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Today, I hope that by sitting alone at a table is not too arrogant. This is also a matter of equality, because everyone sits and listens, and I speak. If I were to speak there, it would probably be right, but it would be a little unfair for me because I would have to (stand) speaking a lot. They would have required me to give a lecture on the Cambodian experience. So please understand that I would have to sit and speak for only an hour or a little over an hour about an issue that has been around for almost half a century, or more. It may not be enough. I am sure you will forgive me because the lecture on the Cambodian experience is a bit long, and if I were to give a speech, it would be too short.
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Today, I am very delighted to preside over this important Internal Consultation on the Draft “Peace Charter: For People and the Planet” to share my personal leadership experiences in rebuilding Cambodia, both during and after the war, especially in matters of national liberation, national reconciliation, and the process of national reconstruction and peacebuilding. The liberation of this unfortunate country from a brutal genocidal regime and from the flames of endless war has brought about the complete peace that Cambodia has never experienced in her 500 years of history, safeguarding the sustainability of that peace, and rapid social advancement from which all the Cambodian people benefit.
In early September, I received an honorary doctorate in “Leadership and Peacebuilding” from WISE University in Dongguk, Gyeongsangbuk Province, Republic of Korea. There, I shared my lecture on “Cambodia’s Experience in National Liberation, Peacebuilding, Reconciliation and Reconstruction”. The topic I shared then and today is quite related, although in the Republic of Korea I focused more on the international context, whereas today I wanted to focus more on the national context of Cambodia. Indeed, for most of my life, I led Cambodia as Prime Minister for 38 years, and it was almost half a century if I include the time when I began the struggle to liberate the country of Pol Pot’s genocidal regime, and my time as Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister.
It is a fact that these lessons and experiences are rare, for which I even risked my life. I have always had the desire to share my experiences of leading Cambodia with Samdech, Excellencies and all participants, after I decided, as an incumbent ruler of the Royal Government, to take off the burden of my shoulders and to let the new generations take over. The difference is that new generations have not had to go through battlefields, armed conflicts or the real armed struggle to free the nation from the dark ages and tragedy. However, they have the overriding duty to continue to preserve, protect and promote the value of peace, create more new achievements, expand development potentials and strengthen national solidarity and unity by continuing to rely on the national motto “Nation, Religion, King” and the party’s motto “Independence, Peace, Freedom, Democracy, Neutrality and Social Progress”.
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(1) The question of who will lead Cambodia after Hun Sen has been resolved
I should clarify this point a little. Last year, there was a general election which ended the 6th legislative term government and entered the 7th legislative term. Those of us who are older have decided to leave the executive branch and transfer leadership to a new generation. The related question of who will lead Cambodia after Hun Sen has already been resolved and the country has been stable for more than a year. The difference here, as I have stated, is that one seeks and the other strives to protect and develop. We, the previous generation, went through a war phase, a phase of seeking peace, and we will continue to leave to the next generation to maintain peace and develop the country. Yesterday, I said in my meeting with the ICAPP leadership that “even if I die (and my soul) goes wherever, if the new generation lets the peace be damaged, I will not tolerate it. I will find a way, even if I am born as a ghost, to come back to settle the score with them.” […] starting a war is easy, but finding peace is difficult.
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Cambodia was fortunate that His Majesty the late King Father Norodom Sihanouk, the Father of National Independence, led the struggle for independence on 9 November 1953 and the nation-building for 16 years. Cambodian people benefited from independence and development, despite being disrupted by the Red, Blue and White Khmer armed rebels. At that time, Cambodia was peaceful but lacked stability, due to rebellious activities and bombings along the border with South Vietnam. As such, peace could only last for 16 years. Cambodia was once again engulfed in flames of war after the coup overthrowing His Majesty the late King Father on18 March 1970and the invasion by American and South Vietnamese troops. From what I have mentioned, we can tell that those who were born in my generation, did not have sufficient time to receive education and enjoy our youth. Instead, we became hostages of war again and again, and were left with no other choices.
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I would like to emphasize that our generation had no third option to choose from. If one were not on the side of the coup plotters, then one had to be on the side of the resistance.
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Unable to bear the atrocities of the Pol Pot regime and unwilling to sit idly by as the Khmer nation collapsed, I, then serving as a Battalion Commander controlling and commanding over 2,000 soldiers, decided to flee to Vietnam and risk my life as a last resort to liberate the nation from Pol Pot genocidal regime. On the night of 20 June 1977, four comrades and I left a military post in Koh Thmor village, Tonlong commune, Memot district, Tbong Khmum province in the eastern part of the country to cross the border into Vietnam. At that time, I had a few options to fight the Khmer Rouge, but I chose to cross into Vietnam to ask for their help in liberating the country. This choice undoubtedly stands as the best decision in the history for the survival of the Khmer nation. During such a dangerous time, I was determined that my path was not to seek safety solely for myself, but to help save the entire nation. Without a strong commitment and a clear plan for the nation, Vietnamese friends would not have trusted me and helped me build the armed force with around ten thousand Cambodian troops and build a political organization, namely the Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation, to hold the political flag, nor would they have been willing to send the Vietnamese volunteer troops to help Cambodia.
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(2) Four options in the fight against the Khmer Rouge
I should say a little about this. I had a choice to make. I would like to draw the attention of the translator here. The unit that I refer to means a regiment. Be careful not to mistranslate. When I was the commander of a regiment with up to 2,000 soldiers, I had four options at that time. First, I could command the troops I had to fight the Khmer Rouge. But this was not a good option. We could control some areas for only a short time, which I think was only three weeks, and it would end in a bloodshed. The second option was to withdraw and cross over to Vietnam to find a way to form a new national liberation struggle. The third option was to do nothing and let Pol Pot’s people kill us. The fourth option was to commit suicide.
(3) Go to Vietnam to seek a new beginning for the liberation of the country
Finally, I decided to choose the second option, which was to go to Vietnam. In the past, history had bound the countries in the Indochina framework, and the French colonialism had also been imposed here. At that time, Cambodia, Vietnam, and Laos had also fought against the French colonialism together. When the United States invaded these three countries, we also joined forces to resist the invasion. Even more surprisingly, when Lon Nol staged a coup to overthrow Prince Norodom Sihanouk, Lon Nol had also called in the American and South Vietnamese troops to help. In light of all these, I had hope. Even though I had only 1% of my life left, I decided to leave for Vietnam to seek a new beginning for the liberation of the country.
(4) Immediately prevent Vietnam from sending Cambodian refugees back to the Khmer Rouge
There must have been a specific plan. If I had no specific plan, Vietnam would not have been able to help me. I should have clarified a little about Vietnam’s role in liberating Cambodia at that time. At least when I went to Vietnam, I was able to immediately prevent the Cambodian people who (fled the Khmer Rouge regime) crossing into Vietnam at that time from being sent back by Vietnam to the Khmer Rouge. When I arrived, I proposed that Vietnam stop sending Cambodians back to Pol Pot because Pol Pot killed them at the border. I thank the Communist Party of Vietnam and the Government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam for accepting the proposal and not sending Cambodian citizens who had fled to Vietnam to Pol Pot. At least I did this, which saved many lives under the circumstances.
(5) Five requests submitted to the Vietnamese leaders
Please note that, based on the principles of respecting independence, sovereignty, and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, Vietnam did not immediately accept to offer help […] I did mention the requests (I made to) Vietnam when I arrived. (The five points I requested were) to ask Vietnam – 1. not to send back Cambodians and let them become refugees in Vietnam; 2. to offer political asylum for cadres and fighters who fled to Vietnam from Cambodia; 3. to help Cambodia build an armed force to liberate the country; 4. to select refugees who fled to Vietnam to join the armed force; and 5. to arrange for us to meet with other resistance groups. At that time, Vietnam stood on the principles of respecting independence, sovereignty, and non-interference in Cambodia’s internal affairs.
(6) Vietnam decided to help build armed forces for Cambodian national liberation
The Vietnamese leadership did not approve my request. Later, Pol Pot’s people attacked Vietnam. I told the Vietnamese leaders and the Vietnamese army leaders that Pol Pot would attack at this or that point. They did not believe it. Therefore, when the Khmer Rouge attacked Vietnam, there was serious damage and many people died. Later, the Vietnamese leader, the Chief of the General Staff of the Vietnamese Army, said to me, “If Vietnam were to believe you, Vietnam would be prepared, and maybe the Vietnamese people would not be in such danger.” Vietnam clearly saw the emergency situation, not only for Vietnam but also for Cambodia. Therefore, Vietnam decided to help me build up armed forces for the Cambodian national liberation, which at that time was about 10,000 soldiers, 23 battalions, and 100 armed operations groups, entering the country.
(7) Two forces – the Cambodian army and the Vietnamese volunteer army, to liberate Cambodia from the Khmer Rouge regime
I would like to emphasize that when the resistance movement began, I was only 25 years old and was the highest leader at that time. But 10,000 people could not defeat the Khmer Rouge army, which numbered 180,000. So, as a last resort, Vietnam was willing to provide military assistance to liberate Cambodia. Hence, liberating Cambodia from the Khmer Rouge regime requires using two forces together – the Cambodian army, although small, but we have a political organization and a military organization of our own, and the support of the Vietnamese volunteer army.
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At this juncture, I would like to express once again my deep and lasting gratitude to Vietnam, and especially the Vietnamese volunteer troops, for sacrificing their lives to liberate Cambodia from the clutches of the Pol Pot genocidal regime. And according to historical records, Vietnamese friends have always thanked Cambodia for helping support Vietnamese friends in national and territorial unification, ensuring the latter’s sovereignty and independence.
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The Vietnamese leaders often raise this point, and then Prince Norodom Sihanouk once said that “he helped Vietnam so much that someone launched a coup detat to overthrew him.” Well, this is a tradition, an objective factor that happened in the past. Lon Nol could call in the US army, the South Vietnamese troops (for help). At that time Vietnam was not yet united. The then North Vietnam supported and recognized the current borders of Cambodia, and South Vietnam was with the US in bombing and invading Cambodia.
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Following the liberation on 7 January 1979, we faced the immense challenge of rebuilding the country with bare hands. On the one hand, we had to protect against the potential return of the Khmer Rouge regime and ensure the safety of our people. On the other hand, we must strive to find and provide food for our starving people, erect national governing institutions, and revive the economy at a time when our human resources had been almost decimated. Not only was the domestic situation, even the international situation was also unfavorable to us. The international community did not recognize the government which liberated the nation, and Cambodia’s seat at the United Nations was occupied by the Khmer Rouge for 12 years, during which we had to endure unjust diplomatic and economic sanctions. As the Minister of Foreign Affairs at the age of 27, I was truly in pain and haven’t forgotten about it yet!
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(8) When Lon Nol occupied the seat at the UN, they said he controlled the capital; when the PRK controlled the capital, it was denied the seat
As a former foreign minister, I was only 27 years old at the time. I had suffered a lot to this day. I should emphasize that there is no standard, as I said at the ICAPP meeting. In 1970-1975, the Cambodian seat at the UN was controlled by the Lon Nol regime, on the grounds that Lon Nol occupied the capital. This is how it was interpreted. In 1979-1991, we (the People’s Republic of Kampuchea) fought to seize the seat at the UN, but it was interpreted that our government was illegitimate. In the past, it was said that the one occupied the capital is the one to have the seat at the UN. When Lon Nol carried out an illegal coup, Lon Nol was considered legitimate at the UN. This is a lesson that still requires a specific interpretation because they always interpret it according to their power and their wish that lacks integrity or the responsible behavior of as a superpower. Even though it is a story that had happened in the past for a long time, we cannot forget it. We cannot change the past, but the past is an experience for us in the present and future.
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When becoming the Prime Minister of Cambodia in 1985, I was only 32 years old and was the youngest Prime Minister in the world at that time. Immediately after assuming the position of Prime Minister, I declared that no military approach would resolve Cambodia’s conflicts and the sole route to peace for Cambodia was through negotiations and political solutions among Cambodians. It is in this spirit that I issued a five-point declaration in October 1987, to solve Cambodia’s issues, namely:
1). Organize a Sihanouk-Hun Sen Meeting;
2). Complete the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Cambodia, along with the cessation of all aid and support to the forces of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea;
3). Organize an election with international observers to form a coalition government that adheres to the principles of neutrality and non-alignment;
4). Negotiate with Thailand to establish a safe and peaceful border and arrange for the voluntary repatriation of refugees; and
5). Organize an international conference to ensure the impending agreement with the participation of both governments (Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea and the People’s Republic of Kampuchea), the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, Vietnam, India, and other countries.
At this point, I would like to elaborate on a historical fact that I was the first person to express desire to meet with Majesty the late King Father Norodom Sihanouk backed by the above principle points as a basis for continued negotiations to find peace. With this in mind, I was the sole driving force behind the first meeting which we called the “Sihanouk-Hun Sen Meeting” on 2 December 1987 in Fère-en-Tardenois, France, which paved the way for the true negotiation process towards a final political solution through the signing of the Agreements on the Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodia Conflict or Paris Agreements on 23 October 1991, which was achieved through the will and true patriotic spirit of His Majesty the late King Father Norodom Sihanouk and myself, Hun Sen; this year 2024 marks the 33rd anniversary of the Paris Peace Agreement.
Before reaching the conclusion of the signing of the Paris Peace Agreements, we had worked hard on those core tasks, which were fundamental, essential and indispensable. Of course, many countries had helped us and provided full support to Cambodia in the negotiation process, which lasted almost four years. For instance, France and Indonesia played an important role as co-chairs of the Paris Conference on Cambodia, when many of our discussions were held there. Meanwhile, Australia pushed its initiative to place Cambodia temporarily under UN supervision during the transition period. France and Japan, while contributing to the peace agreements, had broadly supported Cambodia’s reconstruction and development efforts. Similarly, Thailand had largely aided these efforts and supported the repatriation of over 370,000 Cambodian refugees. Vietnam, with the complete withdrawal of its troops in 1989, also helped clear the stumbling blocks in the negotiations regarding the future of the Khmer Rouge and the presence of foreign troops.
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(9) Vietnamese troops withdrew, clearing the international aspect of Cambodian problem and accelerating the momentum at the negotiating table
Let me emphasize this point a little. When I became Prime Minister, I was still holding the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs. At the end of 1985, there was a meeting of Foreign Ministers in Hanoi at which I was both the Prime Minister and the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Vietnam was represented by His Excellency Nguyen Co Thach, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs. Laos was represented by His Excellency Phoun Sipaseuth, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs. At that time, we announced that we would withdraw Vietnamese troops completely within five to ten years. If we followed this approach, the Vietnamese troops would be completely withdrawn by 1990 or by 1995, which is a five to ten years timeframe. However, Cambodia itself had tried to build up forces quickly to replace the role of the Vietnamese troops.
Finally, Vietnam withdrew its troops in September 1989, which gave the opportunity to resolve its international aspect of the Cambodian problems. I would like to emphasize that the Cambodian problem has two aspects – the international aspect and the internal aspect. When the Vietnamese troops withdrew from Cambodia, the international aspect was resolved. The remaining issues were the future of the Khmer Rouge and the use of other countries’ territory and the provision of military assistance from other countries to the opposition forces. It was part of increasing the weight of the negotiations. Earlier, there were talks of the Vietnamese troops, but when the Vietnamese troops left, my negotiations were carried out with great momentum at the negotiating table.
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While I recall that it was the friendly nations in the international community that assisted us in forming the basis of the negotiation process, what was more important was that we, the Khmer people, initiated and put efforts to establish the Supreme National Council (SNC) for Cambodia. As evidence, during the second “Sihanouk-Hun Sen meeting” in Saint Germain-en-Laye in 1988, I initiated the establishment of a High-Level National Unification Council, which was discussed again at the First Jakarta Informal Meeting (JIM I), although no agreement was reached at that time. Then, in March 1990, with the support of General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, an agreement to establish a “Supreme National Council” was signed, simply changing the title from “High Council for National Reunification” to “Supreme National Council”.
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His Excellency Chavalit Yongchaiyut was then Deputy Prime Minister. After serving as Commander-in-Chief of the Army, he served as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Defense of Thailand. He helped to organize the meeting between me and King Norodom Sihanouk.
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A formal agreement between the two parties, the State of Cambodia and the Tripartite Group, adopted the formula “6 + 6” or “6 + 2 + 2 + 2 = 12”, and was signed in Tokyo, thank to the support from Japan as the host country and participation by General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh. However, the composition of the SNC was later determined at a meeting in Jakarta, Indonesia, while the first SNC meeting was held at the Embassy of the Kingdom of Cambodia in Bangkok, led by the Dean Chao Sen Kosal, known as “Chhum”. This was one of the most important episodes of the negotiation process, demonstrating Cambodia’s willingness, activeness, and proactiveness in seeking to build and secure peace for the nation, despite the challenging circumstances.
Referring to the Paris Peace Agreements, it was clearly a significant and positive turning point in the history of Cambodia. As a result of these agreements, Cambodia was able to restore its relations with the international community and the Royal Government, established through elections organized by the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC), also regained its seat at the United Nations. This agreement enabled Cambodia to adopt a new constitution in 1993 that embraced the constitutional monarchy, multi-party liberal democracy and free market economy. Cambodia always recognizes and feels a deep sense of gratitude to the international community for its efforts to bring peace to Cambodia within the framework of the United Nations and for being our friends. We must also do justice and show our gratitude to the Vietnamese leaders of the time for helping to establish the Cambodian army and being willing to send their volunteer troops to help liberate Cambodia from the genocidal regime of Pol Pot. The withdrawal of all their troops from Cambodia in 1989 had also opened the way for the advancement of negotiations, which were then blocked by questions of the future of the Khmer Rouge and the presence of foreign troops.
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(10) The Khmer Rouge trial means that “Cambodia really had a genocidal regime”
Let me highlight a historical fact that should not be ignored. It is true. What does the Khmer Rouge trial mean? It means that Cambodia really had a genocidal regime, that is why the Khmer Rouge trial was held. So, we must not do the math of one minus one equals zero. They condemned both the Khmer Rouge and those who attacked the Khmer Rouge. Is it fair for us? They recognized that there was a genocidal regime. If there was a genocidal regime, should we let the genocidal regime continue or overthrow it? Why did the allied forces attack Hitler? It was to prevent the fascist Hitler from invading everyone. The United States decided to drop the atom bomb on Japan to prevent Japanese militarism from continuing its invasion.
Why Cambodia couldn’t do something to save the people’s lives by overthrowing the Khmer Rouge regime with both Cambodian and Vietnamese forces? At that time, it was clear that we had to accept the fact that American troops were in Japan, in South Korea, in the Philippines, and in Thailand. Why could they do it, why couldn’t Cambodia do it? Are we willing to let people die? If we don’t liberate them within that time, just one more year, the Cambodian people would have been massacred, almost without a single person left. This is a true story in our history. However, this is just what we have gone through.
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Nevertheless, with many positive outcomes, UNTAC had left Cambodia without fulfilling its mission completely. Despite the Paris Agreement, the Khmer Rouge did not comply, and the United Nations also failed to force the Khmer Rouge to disarm and participate in the democratic process. In other words, the ultimate goal of achieving complete peace, as outlined in the agreements, was not realized. Even after elections and the establishment of the Royal Government in 1993, civil war continued, with Cambodia experiencing controlled areas divided between the Royal Government and the Khmer Rouge.
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(11) “Failure is like an orphan; while success has many fathers”
I would like to point out that after spending US$ 2 billion, UNTAC left Cambodia, leaving Cambodia still mired in war. As my friend from Japan wrote in the preface of one of his books – “failure is like an orphan, success has many fathers.” It is absolutely true. When it is a failure, everyone kept quiet. But when it is a success, many come out and claim the achievements. Even the key role of Prince Norodom Sihanouk is forgotten. (Like the Paris Peace Agreement on) October 23, I don’t know where have those who claimed to be teachers coming from. Please note that some of the countries that signed at the same time (for the UN operation) are still mired in war.
(12) Without Prince Norodom Sihanouk, the United Nations might still be in trouble
In Cambodia, the United Nations withdrew. The United Nations should be grateful to then Prince Norodom Sihanouk, the Father of the Cambodian Nation. Without him, by this time, the United Nations might still be in trouble. However, the role of the Father of the Nation, Prince Norodom Sihanouk, was respected by the political parties that had seats in the Constituent Assembly at that time, so we created a better situation allowing for the withdrawal of the United Nations from Cambodia. However, as I have stated, the war did not end with (the withdrawal of) UNTAC. UNTAC withdrew, leaving Cambodia with a situation of tiger skin where there were wars in some parts of the country, and especially on the Cambodian-Thai border, and there was an attempt to print the money by the government of Democratic Kampuchea.
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It was at this point that I initiated the Win-Win Policy and negotiations between Khmer and Khmer in 1996 to unite and integrate all parties into a single government, single legal system, and single armed force, laying a solid foundation for lasting peace, national reconciliation, and national development.
This policy successfully ended more than three decades of civil war without a single bullet, through the peaceful integration and dissolution of the Khmer Rouge political organization, as laid out in the Divide, Isolate, Finish, Integrate, and Development (DIFID) strategy.
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(13) Win-win politics assured three guarantees
Then we put forward three guarantees to implement the win-win politics. First, we guarantee their lives and bodies. Second, we guarantee their careers and occupations. Third, we guarantee their property. At this point, I should mention one of my colleagues, General Samdech Pichey Sena Tea Banh, whom I kept thinking that without him, I would not be sure if the process would be successful. I was the one who initiated the idea and led it directly, but there had to be someone to lead it in action. This is important. Not everyone just believes it. If this is not guaranteed, (Cambodia would have faced) danger and the war would not be over yet. I should also say that we also had a wrong idea, but we had to correct it. The generals came to my house (and) asked me to adjust the positions of the army because the breakaway areas were full of Khmer Rouge units.
Well, the Chief of Staff, the Deputy Chief of Staff came to see me, who was then the Prime Minister and the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, and said, “there must be adjustments to allow some divisions to station in Kandal, Takeo, Kampot, Svay Rieng, Prey Veng, Kampong Cham, the provinces below. If not, when there is an armed rebellion again, we will not be able to control it.” I told those generals – “we cannot do it.” First, if we take these brothers away from their place to the provinces below, it is equivalent to breaking the third promise about recognizing ownership. They have land there, and second, where do we find land in the provinces below for them? It would be difficult.
I pointed out to the generals – “what’s more important here is that if we leave them where they are, and if those brother rebel again, the war will be in the same area – no more and no less.” But if you stationed them in the provinces below, if the war breaks out again, it will break out all over the country and cannot be controlled. The point here is related to both political issues and the military aspect.
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I issued the “Three Guarantees” for members of the Khmer Rouge, who no longer wanted to see bloodshed among Cambodians and were willing to surrender to live in a society, where there were no winners or losers, but all Cambodians emerged as winners with the long-awaited peace. I, for the second time, had put my own life at stake to pursue the negotiations and promote the implementation of the Win-Win Policy, until we achieved complete success on 29 December 1998, when the Khmer Rouge’s political and military organization was dissolved. The success of the Win-Win Policy has given Cambodia complete peace, unity of the armed forces, and complete control over its territorial integrity, which is one of the greatest social achievements we have ever experienced in the last 500 years of our history, as in the past, we were always a country with at least two dominions at the same time.
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(14) Win-win politics has provided the longest peace in Cambodia’s last 500 years of history
I am ashamed to say this, but we should not hide our painful past. In its recent past 500 years of history, to mention only from King Ponhea Yaat in 1470, at the Chadomuk era, one could ask a question did Cambodia have peace? Cambodia had always had many controlled areas, no less than two at a time. But the win-win politics has given Cambodia the opportunity to have peace for nearly 27 years now. It is the longest peace in its last 500 years of history.
In the era of the popular socialist of Samdech Preah Norodom Sihanouk, counting from 1953 or 1954 to 1955 […] after the departure (of the colonial force), the disarmament started and the country prepared for the 1955 elections. There was peace then for only 16 years. In those 16 years, there were also disturbances by the Khmer Rouge, the Khmer Blue, the Khmer White, and the bombing by the United States and South Vietnam along the border. But for the peace that we have achieved for almost 27 years now, there is no division of territory, no remaining armed groups, there is one king, one Constitution, one parliament, one government, and a unified armed force. It is true that we have many political parties, but we no longer have armed conflicts.
For Cambodia, peace is something to protect. Don’t talk about anything else. Before talking about anything else, we must talk about peace. Without peace, nothing can be done. We have suffered more than enough. We don’t need any war in Cambodia. So, we are asking our foreign friends to understand. When Hun Sen used an iron fist to control the situation, to prevent a color revolution, it was only to ensure the peace for the Cambodian people. We must not ignore the issue of peace.
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I have also reflected carefully on the importance of delivering justice for the Cambodian people, especially “justice for the dead victims and peace for the survivors” as a vital step towards national reconciliation in the aftermath of the conflict. This is exemplified by the establishment of the first international hybrid tribunal, known as Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), with the collaboration with the UN, to bring to trial the five senior leaders of the Khmer Rouge for their atrocities and crimes against humanity, holding them accountable to both the world and national history.
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(15) “Willing to let the courts fail, but not to let Cambodia go back to war”
As I said at the ICAPP meeting the other day, our partners (in the Khmer Rouge tribunal wished to) have more cases as far as involving our King, the President of the National Assembly, the President of the Senate, and other leaders in the court and opening up widespread prosecutions. I told the then former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon – “I am willing to let the courts fail, but I am not going to let Cambodia go back to war.” They have always been are biased. Sometimes they support the Khmer Rouge, sometimes they support war, and then they demand prosecution, without considering the relationship between war and peace, between justice and peace, and between justice and war. Some people only think about what they think, but they do not consider our real interests. That is why I always advise my colleagues and appeal to the Cambodian people – “no matter what, we must think that only we are the owners of the country. No one knows us better than us.” That is why we must dare to fight on issues that are in our interests, with cooperation and partnership with foreign countries.
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The extraordinary achievement of the ECCC was concluded and jointly announced by the Kingdom of Cambodia and the United Nations in December 2022. This set a landmark example of this type of international tribunals, in not only fostering social cohesion but also preventing retaliation and widespread resentment among people in the country.
Recently, there are not many examples of transitional justice on the international stage. Even Rwanda, which went through the genocide from 7 April 1994 to 19 July 1994, did not build a hybrid court as Cambodia did. Currently, we have more than 2 million pages of historical paper and digital documents stored at the National Library ready for any research related to the combat against genocide and crimes against humanity by all people, and academic researchers as well as other international justice institutions provided that they need reference on the Khmer Rouge Tribunal of Cambodia as a case model.
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(16) Jointly disseminate the most successful cases of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal
I would like to take this opportunity to call on the leaders who are invited to participate here to jointly create a wide dissemination by organizing the dissemination institutions that already exist in Cambodia. We can establish an academy […] and it is already stated in this charter. Hopefully, there will be contributions to be created according to the framework that we have experimented with, provide studies, and researchers and those who want to know about (the most successful cases of this kind of international tribunal, which not only reconciled society, but also prevented revenge and hatred in the country) can come to understand and study. There are more than 2 million pages. It is a lot. Then we can organize the dissemination of this matter.
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Aside from the peacebuilding efforts, I also wish to remind that, despite accusations that Cambodia in the 1980s was ruled by a Communist regime with Vietnamese army in Cambodia to prevent the return of the Pol Pot Regime, Vietnam in fact respected Cambodia’s decisions in all areas relating to the governing of the country.
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(17) Hun Sen of Cambodia
I should say a little about this. I had been quite unfortunate. I went to Moscow, people called me a liberal. I never joined the delegations from the so-called socialist countries. I was always classified in the framework of the Third World or non-aligned countries to have a courtesy call on the leaders of the Soviet Union, because the Soviets said we were not socialists. When I went to France, they said I was a communist. In Moscow, they called me a liberal, and in Paris, they called me a communist. In the end, I said, call me whatever you want, but I am the Hun Sen of Cambodia. That’s the truth.
(18) Vietnam helped liberate and prevent from the Pol Pot regime, Cambodia made political, economic, and social decision
Regarding some accused us of being under the Vietnam’s control. Let me clarify. There is a Vietnamese leader here now. Vietnam came to Cambodia to help liberate Cambodia and help prevent the return of the Pol Pot regime, but the political, economic, and social decisions are made by Cambodia. I told the IMF, World Bank, ADB, and other development partners – “in the past, you accused us of being puppets of Vietnam. But back then, I had more freedom to make my decisions than now. Now, if I don’t follow you, you will cut off aid.” Then, you may ask His Excellency Tran Thanh Man, Vietnam was still cooperating even Cambodia at that time embarked on distribution land to the people, whereas Vietnam had not yet started its Doi Moi and the Soviets had not yet introduced Perestroika or Glasnost.
Up to this day, when borrowing money from the World Bank to build a school, the World Bank says – “they will only lend money for use as a scholarship.” We said to them, “Your Excellency, if I don’t even have a school, what can I do with the scholarship?” They just won’t let us borrow money […] some financial institutions and partners had forced me to sell the custom. You may ask the Vietnamese leaders. Were the Vietnamese leaders forcing me to do that? Vietnam still had cooperatives and shared produce. I distributed land to the people, embarking on land reform, and entered the market economy […]
(19) Embarking on political and economic reforms
Today, Cambodians will also watch the live broadcast from here. Some people are born after that era and may want to know about this issue. I think my lecture is compiled and prepared, but I am talking on many issued here. The transition from a planned economy to a market economy is not a very common issue. Let me tell you, how fragile is my life. In addition to going through the war […] with the Americans, South Vietnam and those supported by the Americans […] for which I went to 105 battlefields, was wounded five times, and lost one eye. I have bet my life to liberate the country, and again my head for peace through win-win politics. I had started reforms on two fronts. The political front is shifting from thinking only about fighting to negotiating and fighting, which is moving towards ending the war through negotiations. This is a big reform. The second big one is economic reform.
(20) Overcoming the three pressures to bring the country to a better state
There were three pressures that challenged me […] but fortunately, Hun Sen did not subdue. Hun Sen’s life was already fragile in the war, but it was even more fragile in politics. This reform caused three problems.
First, there was no understanding within our ranks. What is there to negotiate? That is why at that time, Tea Banh, who was transferred from the General Staff to Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Public Works, was brought in by me as Minister of National Defense. If the army does not support it, how can we negotiate? I transferred the position of Foreign Minister to another person, but this Foreign Minister could not manage the internal affairs and did not understand foreign affairs. I had to take back the position of Foreign Minister. Without internal understanding is very dangerous. So, I had to start from the bottom up making sure people benefit from the distribution of land and create a private economy to solve internal problems.
Second, the Vietnamese army was still in Cambodia. At a time when Vietnam had not yet undergone reforms, Cambodia had undergone reforms. This point indicates that Vietnam respected our decision.
Third, at that time, the Soviet Union and the CMEA countries were the ones who helped us. If the Soviets thought that Hun Sen had entered the stage of revisionism, they could simply tell Samdech Heng Samrin and Samdech Chea Sim that “if Hun Sen was allowed to continue to be the prime minister, the Soviets would stop providing aid” – Hun Sen would be dead. But fortunately, I did this job, negotiated and reformed the economy.
So, the three dangerous obstacles were like three arrows waiting to release at Hun Sen, but Hun Sen is still alive today and has contributed to bringing this country to a better situation.
[End of comment – 15]
The experience of post-war nation-building is a critical topic, as some countries, after a brief period of peace, often relapse into conflict due to the delayed economic and infrastructure recovery, inadequate education systems, and limited access to mental health treatment. For example, following the atrocities in Cambodia, over 70% of the population experienced mental health challenges. These issues were addressed through social protection measures, psychological education, religious guidance, and economic growth, particularly focusing on economic reform by transitioning from a planned economy to a market-based system. Cambodia faced the additional strain of widespread economic sanctions. Despite facing economic sanctions from all sides, the nation successfully resisted the resurgence of the genocidal regime and has continued to pursue bold reforms.
In the 1980s and 1990s, Cambodia’s economy was extremely fragile, with economic and infrastructure developments in the country heavily reliant on foreign aids. We persistently exerted considerable effort to drive forward domestic reforms, while simultaneously striving for Cambodia’s integration into regional and global economy. Under my leadership, the Royal Government of Cambodia effectively launched and implemented the Triangular Strategy from 1998 to 2003, followed by the four phases of the Rectangular Strategy from 2003 to 2023.
The Triangular Strategy emphasized three key priorities, including: 1). Pacification with the aim to maintain order, stability, security, and peacebuilding within the country; 2). Cambodia’s integration into the regional and international community, including international financial institutions, and normalization of Cambodia’s relationship with other countries to enhance exchanges of trade and investment; and 3). Socio-economic development, poverty reduction, governance, institutional and judicial reforms, and public sector management (To achieve success, our strategy and economic reforms are designed to be people-centered, focusing on expanding the middle class and reducing poverty.)
From the third to the sixth mandate, the Royal Government of Cambodia adopted and implemented the Rectangular Strategy to drive the “Royal Government of Economy” with the motto: “Royal Government of Growth, Employment, Equity, and Efficiency”. This strategy involved executing a comprehensive economic agenda to improve and build the capacity of public institutions, strengthen good governance, and modernize national economic infrastructure such as roads, railways, and air connectivity. The goal was to promote economic growth, create jobs for all citizens, ensure social equity, and enhance the efficiency of the public sector.
Alongside the promotion of the internal development, we had also advanced regional and international integration to create new opportunities for diplomatic relations, economic cooperation, and sustainable development. I led Cambodia into the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1999 and served as the ASEAN rotating chair three times in 2002, 2012, and 2022. Through ASEAN, Cambodia has gained tremendous benefits with various international partners, and we have established interwoven relationships through numerous bilateral and multilateral free trade agreements. Additionally, Cambodia successfully joined the World Trade Organization in 2004.
[16]
[Start of comment – 16]
Let me clarify here a little bit. If Cambodia had not been stuck in the process of forming a government after the 2003 elections, Cambodia could have accession to the World Trade Organization since 2003. They already approved our membership, but we had not been able to ratify internally because the Cambodian opposition parties boycotted the meeting. At that time, we still applied the 2/3 majority system. We tried to arrange it to a 50+1 system to facilitate the process of government.
[End of comment – 16]
Through the formulation and effective implementation of the national development policy, Cambodia has remarkably transformed its status, if we compare to other countries emerging from wars around the same time as Cambodia. We have transformed from a poor and conflict-prone society to one with stability, peace, and security, where our people are beginning to reap the benefits of peace and development. The poverty rate was reduced to below 10% before the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, and we are on track to fully graduate from the status of a least developed country in 2029. Cambodia has transitioned from a country with severe revenue deficits and reliance on development partners for two-thirds of the national budget to a country capable of managing its national budget with strong ownership, and having financial reserves to protect the national economy and the livelihoods of its citizens against crises and disasters. We have moved from being an isolated nation under international sanctions into a nation deeply integrated into the region and the world, and capable of deploying peacekeeping forces and participating actively in peace initiatives both within and beyond the region.
[17]
[Start of comment – 17]
(21) Rising from isolation to becoming an equal right and footing partner
I should emphasize that from being a foreign minister whom many avoided shaking hands, from a Prime Minister whom many avoided shaking hands to a Prime Minister who had been welcomed, I communicated with all the five permanent member powers. In 2022, world leaders, including three permanent members, came to the ASEAN meeting I this very building – China, the United States, and Russia. So, we have strived to rise from isolation to becoming an equal right and footing partner of cooperation.
[Ed of comment – 17]
Based on past achievements, the new Royal Government has laid out the Pentagonal Strategy as the agenda for Cambodia’s socio-economic development towards Economic Growth, Employment, Equity, Efficiency, and Sustainability. The strategy sets five key priorities: “People, Roads, Water, Electricity, and Technology ” and specifically emphasizes on human capital development.
[18]
[Start of comment – 18]
I apologize, Prime Minister, for bringing up the issue that is the government’s job. There is, however, no prohibition for me not to speak because it is a matter of the country.
[End of comment – 18]
This strategy envisions a 25-year timeframe, with five successive phases, and was reoriented and refined based on the actual domestic, regional, and global context, as well as lessons learned from previous policies. It aims to achieve the ultimate goal of nation-building, fulfilling the aspirations of the Cambodian people to transform Cambodia into a high-income country by 2050.
[19]
[Start of comment – 19]
This is what I said internally when I met with the head of the delegation yesterday: Definitely, Cambodia will not fall into the middle-income country trap. We have gone from a low-income country to a lower-middle-income country, and will achieve the status of an upper-middle-income country by 2030, and then by 2050, we will become a high-income country. We have 25 years left to reach that goal.
[End of comment – 19]
Cambodia’s role as a model for peacekeeping force contributions has been internationally lauded under the United Nations framework, and our female peacekeepers have also been recognized. Up to the present, approximately 10,000 Cambodian troops have been dispatched across 10 countries. This reflects the nation’s commitment to fostering peace, promoting dialogue, building confidence in negotiations to end wars, and collaborating with our strategic partners in response to natural disasters, humanitarian crises, and other man-made phenomena. Building resilience in response to crises is a defining strength of the Cambodian people today. I hope that by fostering resilience in the economy, addressing climate change, and adapting to the evolving geopolitical environment within the global order, Cambodia can sustain its independence and sovereignty.
Although there are still several points that I wish to share, due to time constraints, I will now conclude the historical facts of Cambodia and proceed on to provide a brief summary of the fundamental lessons derived from our journey of peacebuilding and national reconciliation as follows:
1st Ownership of the nation’s destiny: A nation must have ownership of its national issues. When a nation loses ownership of its destiny, it becomes vulnerable to divisions and crises. Similarly, the pursuit of peace must originate from the citizens of the nation, and long-lasting solutions require participations from citizens and armed forces across all political spectrums before achieving national unity and a singular national armed force. Even though Cambodia received support from foreign friends and the United Nations, lasting peace cannot be attained unless it is initiated and actively pursued by Cambodia itself. This is the true essence of the Win-Win Policy, which was initiated by Cambodians, participated and implemented by Cambodians, and reaped benefits by Cambodians.
2nd The international community must work together and prioritize the preservation of existing peace, over seeking or building peace that has been lost. War is undoubtedly easy to ignite, but it took Cambodia 30 years to extinguish the flame of wars. We have experienced total peace for just 26 years, but it is the longest peace in the last 500 years of our history. It is unfortunate that we often receive criticism that we talk too much about peace and fuel the fear of war. A section of our younger generation has gradually taken peace for granted, underestimating it, with some even seeking to pursue a change of government through undemocratic means, even at the cost of sacrificing peace in the process. Such trends are dangerous, and all international communities must work together to prevent, condemn, and oppose this kind of extremist ideology. We must strive to educate our citizens about the value of peace, without which we cannot speak so romantically about human rights, democracy, and development.
3rd Even if peace is achieved, it will not endure without national unity, reconciliation, justice, and sustainable and inclusive development. With Cambodia’s experience, we must strive to find ways to ensure that peace could last and take deep root in the society, through national reconciliation and unity. I want to emphasize the importance of promoting the “Culture of Dialogue” in Cambodia’s political sphere, as our country has endured a cycle of brutal violence, frequent undemocratic regime changes, and relentless revenges. Even after Cambodia achieved full peace in 1998, I continued to practice this “Culture of Dialogue” with other political parties to foster harmony, strengthen national unity, and nurture democracy. We recognize that democracy is a management regime, respecting diversity and providing effective means of resolving and managing political dissent through votes, rather than through bullets, violence, or insurgency.
Today, Cambodia has many political parties, but Cambodia no longer has many armed groups. It is also noteworthy that violence during elections has disappeared completely from Cambodia’s politics, thanks to the success of the Win-Win Policy. This is a historical fact of Cambodian politics, reflecting the political maturity and progress of democracy in Cambodia.
(In this world, there is no standard definition of democracy; I generally understand that democracy must have peace as a precondition; when there is peace, we can enjoy freedoms, religions, infrastructure development, and freedom of expression within the laws, as well as regular elections. We respect the beliefs of the people, protect the private economy of the people while in tandem we enforce our laws, collecting revenues for the state, maintain macroeconomic stability, and expand the potentials of our human resources to reach their peak as a strong national defense pillar. This is the path of democracy that Cambodia has been travelling and the one that we will continue to take moving forward.)
Efforts to reduce poverty and promote comprehensive and inclusive development remain an essential policy to maintain lasting peace and stability. When a country experiences widespread poverty and many people are unemployed and uneducated, people are susceptible to extremist ideologies that seek to blame an institution or social group to express their anger. Therefore, this poses a significant challenge for developing countries, as they lack the magic to create immediate development in all sectors across the countries, as some people desire. For a nation with limited means and resources like developed countries, the government truly need the support and understanding of the general population regarding the pace of national development. At this point, I also want advanced countries to understand the difficulties of developing countries as well. We want to see support from our friends. We do not want to see interference into our internal affairs, by exploiting our limitations of institutional capacity and resources and provoking unrest among citizens and support extremist ideologies that aim to overthrow the government through undemocratic means. We ask for constructive support, rather than efforts to discredit, obstruct, or hinder our chosen path of development without consideration of values of peace, hardship, and the countless tragedies of the Cambodian people.
As I stated at the 76th UN General Assembly, history has repeatedly proven to us that interference, the worst form of which is through military means, to impose changes of political regime or other governance systems is not a solution. On the contrary, such actions often result in greater loss of life, human suffering, and the escalation of social and economic conflicts. Cambodia serves as a real-life example, having endured one of the worst and most unfortunate tragedies. In recent past and in the present, we have still witnessed external interference from certain countries. Recent events, such as those in Afghanistan and Bangladesh, are lessons to be learned on the significance of respect for the aspirations of each individual nation and the right of their people to self-determination. These lessons underscore the value of allowing nations to shape their own paths. Large and small countries possess unique characteristics shaped by their history, culture, traditions, way of life, and political systems. They should not be subjected to unilateral sanctions, prohibitions, economic measures, or other forms of coercion that violate international law and the principles outlined in the UN Charter.
As we speak, the world is experiencing shift in the global order, along with wars and conflicts in various regions, including the ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine. No one can predict when this war will come to an end. Conflicts in the Middle East are complex, often taking the form of regional wars that could escalate into religious wars linked to the proxy wars of superpowers. Trade tensions between the United States and China, emerging neo-colonial conflicts in Africa between the white and black people, emerging threat of war on the Korean Peninsula, unresolved political and armed conflicts in Myanmar, and non-traditional security issues all constitute a grave threat to peace and development of both the region and the world. The results of the United States general election are likely to escalate geopolitical rivalries among superpowers, particularly the United States, China, and Russia, which can further exacerbate the above complications, and might possibly push beyond the geo-political war to the clashes of civilizations and a race for technological dominance. I am sure that all participants are aware of these issues from a variety of sources; some are true, and some are not; but they are all real threats that I will not elaborate further.
In conclusion, the Peace Charter: For People and the Planet is crucial for the future of Cambodia and its coming generations. It preserves the nation’s history and identity and safeguards the hard-earned legacy of peace that Cambodia has achieved. Every stage in our history—political regime changes, leadership transitions, ideological rivalries, internal struggles for power, and genocide—stands as a profound lesson for our miserable nation. These experiences have built our resilience in the face of historical crises when Cambodia tried to build peace, pursue national reconciliation, tolerance, and unity for the development and prosperity of Cambodian society. It is this resilience that helped us build the foundation for national transition towards modern technological era in an inclusive manner, and connect us with a new prosperous and lasting civilization.
I hope that today’s lecture will contribute to deepening the understanding of the values of peace and the difficulties in peacebuilding, national reconciliation, and unity, as well as preserving long-lasting peace, particularly in developing countries.
To conclude, I would like to extend my heartfelt thanks to Excellencies, Ladies, and Gentlemen for attentively listening to my lecture, which I hope can serve as valuable input for building the “Peace Charter: For People and the Planet.” I trust that the five main pillars—(1) Conflict Prevention; (2) Peacebuilding Process and Good Offices; (3) Transitional Justice; (4) Post-conflict Reconstruction and Humanitarian and Disaster Response; and (5) Food Security and Sustainable Development in Response to Climate Change—will serve as invaluable assets for real actions aimed at promoting respect for international law, and that they can be adaptable for countries of different regions and of different national characteristics, putting the interests of the people first.
Peace Charter: For People and the Planet will be a public good that any nation can use, all people can participate, without any binding obligations, in accordance with the vision and objectives set out in the United Nations’ “Summit of the Future” in 2024.
Finally, I wish Samdech, Excellencies, Ladies, and Gentlemen good health, success in all your endeavors, and the best of luck, accompanied by the five gems of Buddha’s blessings, namely longevity, nobility, happiness, strength and wisdom./.
