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CMF: 26/11/2024

– Tan Sri Michael Yeoh, President of KSI Strategic Institute for Asia-Pacific,
– H.E. Wang Wenbin, Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China to Cambodia,
– Distinguished Guests, Business Leaders, Ladies and Gentlemen!

I extent my warmest welcome to you all and I hope that everyone has a comfortable stay in Phnom Penh, the capital of the Kingdom of Cambodia. It is indeed my honor to deliver a keynote address at this Global Chinese Economic & Technology Summit 2024. Let me first extend my appreciation to KSI Strategic Institute for Asia-Pacific for bringing this summit this year to Cambodia. As I look around this room, I am filled with confidence, knowing that our gathering today will bring fruitful outcomes as your presence speaks to the enormous prospects for business and investment opportunities that can be nurtured and transacted in the days and years ahead.

The darkest ages of Cambodia’s history are over several decades already. Today’s Cambodia has witnessed remarkable progress in a broad spectrum of areas ranging from a sustained economic development, a modernized infrastructure, and a fully integrated economy in the regional and global markets.

This transformative journey mirrors the very essence of what we all gather to discuss today, namely the strength of economic cooperation and technological innovation to create a new and sustainable source of growth for our region and beyond. In this context of rapid change, Cambodia’s peace and stability, its strategic location within ASEAN, and its business-friendly policies offer a perfect place for your investments.

From my understanding, the “Global Chinese Economic & Technology Summit” was a rebranding of the “World Chinese Economic Summit,” which in fact reflects an undeniable truth of our times that economic growth could not be achieved without technological advancement. In fact, this new reality is what define Cambodia’s recent progress, but I could say the same for many other economies in this digital age nowadays.

The COVID-19 pandemic, while challenging for many countries, has accelerated digital transformation across every sector of the world economy. Affected global supply chains were reconfigured, business models were adapted and reshaped and the digital economy has created new business and investment opportunities that didn’t exist before.

This transformation is also particularly important in the context of Cambodia’s close relations with China, our largest investment and strategic trading partner. As this year marks the 75th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, China has projected that her high-quality development in the medium to long term will be driven by “new productive forces” such as artificial intelligence (AI), digital economy, humanoid robots, low-altitude economy (i.e., drones), new materials, and other innovation industries. When China, as the main driver of global growth, is focusing on high-quality development, I believe that the whole region stands to gain from such policy orientation. For instance, through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and our strong bilateral relations, Chinese businesses have been at the forefront of bringing technological advancement to Cambodia. Our deep-rooted cultural ties, combined with strong government-to-government relations, have created a uniquely favorable environment where Chinese investments thrive.

This summit itself, in bringing the global Chinese business community together, reflects both our strong bond of friendship and shared prospects of technological progress, through which Cambodia and the region as a whole will prosper.

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen!

Let me be absolutely clear about one fundamental principle that my government holds in high regard: the main drivers of economic growth are not governments, but businesses and investors. It is them who play a crucial role in driving economic growth and stimulating innovation. The role of my government is to create a conducive environment where businesses can flourish, where innovations can thrive, and where growth can be nurtured.

As such, allow me to highlight my country’s unique competitive advantages which set us apart in this regional landscape.

First and foremost, Cambodia has devoted years to cultivate and sustain peace. In today’s tumultuous world, peace and political stability are only aspirations for some countries. Not all countries are lucky enough to secure it. Peace is precious and a rare commodity. Peace cannot be made at will. It must be earned through years of dedication and total commitment. I believe that peace and political stability are not just preferences for investors, they are “a must have.”

Secondly, Cambodia stands as one of Asia’s most open and liberalized economies. These are not just my words. All these policies are fully enshrined in our WTO commitments and in our laws and regulations. For example, we offer 100 percent foreign ownership of businesses with no restrictions on profit and capital repatriation. By allowing investors to keep more of their returns and profits, we actually make Cambodia a more competitive destination for investment. I truly believe the investors’ success is ultimately also the government’s success.

Thirdly, we have one of the region’s most generous and flexible incentive programs, designed to help businesses and investment thrive. When businesses invest in tech and manufacturing industries, we make it count by offering significant additional benefits to help their businesses grow.

Fourth, our network of trade agreements provides large market access. Through the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), we offer you entry to a market of 2.3 billion people representing almost one-third of global GDP. Our bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with China and Korea coupled with our latest Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with the United Arab Emirates (UAE), open doors to some of the world’s most vibrant economies. For all technology firms that are interested here, this means access not just to Cambodia’s domestic market of 17 million consumers, but to a combined market of billions. We are not just offering investors a place for investment – we are offering them a ticket to this region’s future.

Fifth, Cambodia has made remarkable achievement in sustainable development. Today, I am proud to tell you that 62 percent of our power mix already comes from renewable sources. We believe that protecting our environment is also about protecting investors’ interests. As global market increasingly demands greener supply chains, Cambodia can offer investors a competitive edge. Our commitment to reach 70 percent renewable energy by 2030, and carbon neutrality by 2050, sends a clear message: when investors choose Cambodia, they are not just choosing a place to invest, they are also becoming a player in building a sustainable future.

Sixth, location wise, Cambodia is situated strategically at the heart of Southeast Asia with ease of connecting with Asia and the Mekong Subregion. That is why my government has made regional connectivity our top priority. Through our “Comprehensive Intermodal Transport and Logistics System Master Plan”, we are not just building roads; we are creating trade corridors through an integrated network of roads, rails, and waterways. So, choosing Cambodia means choosing a location where costs can be reduced, and delivery times can be sped up.

Seventh, Cambodia has one of the youngest populations in Asia – two-thirds of Cambodians are under 35 years old. These are millions of bright, tech-savvy minds eager to innovate and transform ideas into reality. Recognizing this opportunity, we have launched our human capital development program to provide comprehensive technical and vocational training to 1.5 million young Cambodians. Our high-school and university students compete every year at international robot competitions, and they won many medals too, and are the driving force that will power your business success, bring fresh perspectives to your operations, and help you stay competitive in the digital age.

Eighth, we understand that time is valuable in business, which is why we have digitized our company registration process. Our investment approval processes have been streamlined. Moreover, I have established two high-level mechanisms that serve as my direct arms in supporting business. On one hand, the Trade Policy Advisory Board works as my government strategic thinker, monitoring global trends and ensuring our policies remain competitive. On the other hand, the Committee on the Promotion of Resolutions of Private Sector Issues, which operates directly under my command, stands ready to solve your issues quickly and effectively. Let me be very clear that the Royal Government of Cambodia is on your side. We are on the business’s side, and we stand ready to support you every step of the way.

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen!

My administration has added “technology” as a new component for the Pentagonal Strategy-Phase I as we want to diversify and modernize our industry that should be skill- and knowledge-based. Indeed, it is almost impossible to imagine Cambodia Vision 2050 as a high-income economy without a strong technological advancement and skilled human capital. I am personally keen in attracting high-technology investment and is willing to provide generous incentives and flexible arrangements for companies that are serious about making partnership for mutual benefits with Cambodia.

Let me conclude with a personal commitment. As Prime Minister, I pledge that my government will continue to support your success in every way possible. Our doors are always open, our policies will remain predictable, and our commitment to your business is unwavering. And so, I invite you to be part of Cambodia’s transformation story. Whether in technology, green energy, digital innovation, or any other venture, Cambodia stands ready to be your partner in success. Let us write the next chapter of Asia’s economic miracle right here in Cambodia. Together, let’s build a more sustainable, and more prosperous future for all and may this summit mark the beginning of our successful partnership.

Thank You!

CMF: 25/11/2024

• Your Excellency Dr. Ly Thuch, President of the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention;
• Your Royal Highness Prince Mired Raad Al-Hussein of Jordan, Special Envoy of the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention;
• Your Excellency Dr. Armida Salsiah Alisjahbana, Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations and Executive Secretary of ESCAP;
• Excellencies, Distinguished, Ladies and Gentlemen!

It is my great pleasure and honor to welcome you to Siem Reap, Cambodia for the Siem Reap-Angkor Summit on a Mine-Free World, the first of its kind in Asia. You have arrived in a nation that epitomizes resilience and hope – a nation that has journeyed from being one of the most heavily mine-affected countries to become a leading advocate for a mine-free world.

Our gathering here in this historic city is a powerful testament to our collective commitment to building a safer world. In an era marked by escalating armed conflicts and geopolitical confrontations, it is essential to recognize the enduring devastation caused by destructive weapons, particularly anti-personnel mines. These deadly devices continue to maim and kill innocent civilians long after wars have ceased. Cambodia’s experience is stark evidence of this.

The Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on their Destruction, or commonly known as the Ottawa Convention, has never been more vital. It stands as a global norm against the use of these weapons and as a beacon of hope for affected nations.

Today’s summit offers us a crucial opportunity to reflect on our progress, address emerging challenges, and chart a future that ensures the continued relevance and success of the Ottawa Convention in this increasingly uncertain world.

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen!

Once a land of peace, 54 years ago Cambodia was drawn into the geopolitical conflicts of the Cold War. A land that hosts magnificent heritages such as Angkor Wat, then saw some of the most heartbreaking tragedies, including a series of carpet bombings, a genocide, and decades of civil wars. Millions of Cambodian lives were lost and thousands of square kilometers of Cambodia’s land became littered with landmines and other explosive remnants of war.

The dark enigma about landmines is that although full peace was achieved in 1998, the shadow of landmines continued to loom large and pose dire threats to human lives and post-war recovery. With our land still heavily infested by landmines, it was simply not possible for our people to live and continue with their normal life. Our country’s reconstruction was also challenged when landmines continue to impede our development and national integration. Indeed, neither investors nor tourists would ever come to a country dotted with red signs of “Danger Mine”.

The psychological toll has been equally profound. For many Cambodians, living in the midst of landmines made it difficult to embrace the reality of peace and envision a brighter future. The scars they left behind—both physical and mental—were a daily reminder of past horrors.

Cambodia’s remarkable progress in mine action would not have been possible without the unwavering support of the international community. Through partnerships with donor countries and organizations, providing financial, technical, and moral support, we have made significant strides.

To date, we have destroyed over 1 million anti-personnel mines and 3 million explosive remnants of war (ERW). We have also cleared over 3,000 square kilometers of landmines, rendering 15 of our 25-capital city and provinces as mine-free. Casualties have plummeted from an average of over 4,300 per year in 1996 to fewer than 100 annually in the past ten years. Beyond demining efforts, extensive victim assistance initiatives, coordinated by the Cambodian Mine Action and Victim Assistance Authority (CMAA), have provided rehabilitation and supported reintegration and advocacy for survivors through risk education.

The results are transformative. Cambodia’s economy, which grew at an average rate of around 7% annually before the COVID-19 pandemic, has thrived on the de-contaminated land. Land that was once minefields, have now become fertile grounds for farming, urbanization, and development, lifting millions out of poverty. About 80% of the cleared land are used for agriculture, while the remainder is used for housing, and development, including construction of critical infrastructure to enhance connectivity across our nation, allowing our economy to thrive to this day. Moreover, it has enabled millions of international tourists, including investors, to visit Cambodia.

Cambodia has turned its tragic history into a powerful lesson for the world, advocating against the use of anti-personnel mines and highlighting their long-term consequences. Cambodian mine action community has continued to share our best practices, transferring our hard-earned expertise to others facing similar challenges including, among others, Ukraine, Afghanistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and ASEAN member states.

Nevertheless, our journey is far from over. We still have over 1,600 square kilometers of contaminated land that is affecting the lives of approximately 1 million people. This is the why ending the negative impact of mines and explosive remnants of war (ERW) and promoting victim assistance is indeed a cornerstone of our sustainable development agenda, and we even made it our 18^th National Sustainable Development Goal (SDG).

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen!

As we face today’s complex global challenges, let us reaffirm our unity under the Ottawa Convention as a profound statement of our collective humanity. Cambodia calls upon all nations to join us in this mission to create a safer, more peaceful world—not just for today but for generations to come.

We must intensify efforts to survey and clear landmines, expand education and awareness programs, and strengthen assistance to victims worldwide. Let this convention not only be a legal framework but also a moral commitment that binds us as one family.

In this sense, I urge each of us to carry forward this commitment—not only as a goal for our time but also as a promise for future generations. May this conference be a defining moment, where our shared purpose and compassion fuel a world free from the perils of landmines.

In conclusion, I wish the Siem Reap-Angkor Summit on a Mine-Free World a great success, and wish everyone a pleasant stay in Siem Reap province, home to the magnificent Angkor Wat.

CMF: 24/11/2024

• Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen, President of the Senate of the Kingdom of Cambodia,
• Samdech Maha Rathsaphea Thika Thipadei Khuon Sudary, President of the National Assembly of the Kingdom of Cambodia & President of the 11^th IPTP Plenary Session,
• Honorable Speakers of the House and Presidents of International Organizations,
• Distinguished Heads of Delegations, Esteemed Participants, Ladies and Gentlemen!

It is my great pleasure and honor to be with you all at the 11^th Plenary Session of the International Parliament for Tolerance and Peace (IPTP) here in Phnom Penh to deliberate on such an important theme: “A Quest for Peace, Reconciliation and Tolerance”. The gathering of this august body truly reflects the shared commitment of parliamentarians, politicians and relevant stakeholders from all peace-loving nations to building a world of peace, tolerance, harmony and prosperity.

As the world faces numerous challenges arising from traditional and non-traditional security threats that have posed serious concerns for global peace, stability, and development, hosting this event is a call to duty for Cambodia, and reaffirming our commitment to the aforementioned causes is a call to duty for all parliamentarians as well as relevant stakeholders. As Samdech Techo Hun Sen has wisely stated in the past, “Peace is the foundation on which all else is built. Without peace, there can be no development, no prosperity, and no future. Without peace, there is no human rights and no development as such.”

Cambodia’s historical journey to peace has transformed our nation in the most unimaginable ways, thanks to the visionary Win-Win Policy spearheaded by Samdech Techo Hun Sen. Not only did this noble policy end decades of conflict, but it also laid the groundwork for national reconciliation and an enduring stability to this day through its practical steps starting with dialogue, trust, compromise, and inclusivity.

I must say that the results are stunning. Our economy has consistently grown by more than 7 percent per year in recent decades before the pandemic. Development gains have reached even the most remote rural areas. And when we talk about economic growth, we are not referring to just textbook numbers, but we want to also refer to present day realities, as you all could witness, in terms of improvement of people’s livelihood and social wellbeing across the board. We are on track in effectively graduating from the Least Developed Country (LDC) status in 2029. Some key social indicators are real testament to our inclusive development. For instance, an increase in life expectancy from 59 years in 2000 to 76 years in 2021; the decrease of maternal mortality rate from 437 in 2000 to 154 in 2022 per 100,000 live births; and the drop of infant mortality rate from 37 in 2000 to 8 in 2022 per 1,000 live births.

Cambodia stands as a living proof of peace’s transformative power, and we are keen to share this journey of hope to inspire and impart our experience with other countries in their quest for peace and reconciliation.

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

Cambodia values peace as the cornerstone of our national resilience and rejuvenation. Peace has allowed us to invest in our people, our institutions, and our future. Under my administration, I have launched a comprehensive framework for growth, employment, equity, efficiency and sustainability, entitled the “Pentagonal Strategy-Phase I.” This strategy focuses on five key priorities, namely People, Road, Water, Electricity and Technology. Through this strategy, we aim to protect and strengthen our hard-earned peace by creating opportunities for all citizens, and supporting communities to thrive together. Additionally, priority programs covering health, education, TVET program for vulnerable groups, promotion of agricultural productivity, and enlargement of social protection schemes, all aim to weave social cohesion, leaving no one behind, that is supportive of lasting peace and national resilience.

The “Pentagonal Strategy-Phase I” is both a development roadmap and a resilient peace-building framework that enhance quality of life, and modernization of industry and economy in an inclusive and sustainable manner. Its core principles resonate perfectly with the significance of the launch of the “Universal Peace Charter: For People and the Planet.”

This Universal Peace Charter, which is being tabled for adoption in this significant event, is a universal peace architecture aimed at strengthening global solidarity and partnerships for peace, tolerance, harmony, dignity and prosperity for humanity. It covers five key pillars, namely: (1) Conflict Prevention; (2) Peacebuilding Process and Good Offices; (3) Transitional Justice; (4) Post-conflict Reconstruction and Humanitarian and Disaster Response; and (5) Food Security and Sustainable Development in Response to Climate Change.

Here it is important that I highlight another extraordinary achievement that Cambodia has made in connecting peace, justice and tolerance. Delivery of justice during peacetime is equally important as the provision of justice in the post-conflict era.

The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) or the Khmer Rouge Tribunal had successfully concluded its criminal trial process to deliver justice to the dead and peace to the survivors. The tribunal has set international norms in terms of prosecution on genocide and crimes against humanity, and Cambodia has served as an example of how a nation can face her troubled past with dignity. Through this transitional justice mechanism, our societies can rely on a foundation for enduring peace and reconciliation without the possibility of revenge and relapse of conflict. Of important note, the high level of tolerance of Cambodians, and their strong resilient mentality cannot be overlooked, when considering how brother-enemies can still co-exist peacefully, and that national army can be united even with the integration of the former Khmer Rouge fighters. This is a painful experience for many survivors but for the sake of unity and harmony, people chose to let bygones be bygones because they knew that they were victims of wars that they did not create.

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen

Our pursuit of peace must be proactive, and it must be a collective effort.

It is crucial that we mobilize greater participation of all states and non-state entities, including the private sector, private foundations, think tanks, and other civil society organizations. Their contributions are essential in promoting preventive diplomacy, trust-building and confidence-building measures and media integrity. Stimulating international cooperation in interfaith dialogue, trade, tourism, and people-to-people relations are as important as getting women and youth in all the spectra of peace, security and conflict prevention.

Moreover, we must work together to address non-traditional threats like food and nutritional insecurity and climate change related disasters, among others, which, if not tackled properly, can undermine peace, security and development. It is vital that the international community cooperate closely together on this food-water-energy security nexus. Similarly, we must harness the power of science, technology and innovation, including digital technologies, as key development resources to enable us to meet the targets of the 2030 UN Agenda for Sustainable Development and other relevant national development plans of our nations.

On this note, I look forward to seeing the Universal Peace Charter agenda moving ahead as a great catalyst to enhance synergy between governments, parliaments and civil society organizations to realize our vision of peace for humanity. I wish to take this opportunity to call on all nations and entities to join us to advance our shared commitment to make our world safe and prosperous for generations to come.

In closing, allow me to take this opportunity to extend my heartfelt wishes for the success of this 11^th Plenary Session of IPTP and may our discussions today inspire meaningful actions toward global peace and cooperation. May peace and development flourish across the world. I wish you all greater success in all your noble endeavors.

Thank You!

CNV: 24/11/2024

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Today, I hope that by sitting alone at a table is not too arrogant. This is also a matter of equality, because everyone sits and listens, and I speak. If I were to speak there, it would probably be right, but it would be a little unfair for me because I would have to (stand) speaking a lot. They would have required me to give a lecture on the Cambodian experience. So please understand that I would have to sit and speak for only an hour or a little over an hour about an issue that has been around for almost half a century, or more. It may not be enough. I am sure you will forgive me because the lecture on the Cambodian experience is a bit long, and if I were to give a speech, it would be too short.

[End of comment – 1] 

Today, I am very delighted to preside over this important Internal Consultation on the Draft “Peace Charter: For People and the Planet” to share my personal leadership experiences in rebuilding Cambodia, both during and after the war, especially in matters of national liberation, national reconciliation, and the process of national reconstruction and peacebuilding. The liberation of this unfortunate country from a brutal genocidal regime and from the flames of endless war has brought about the complete peace that Cambodia has never experienced in her 500 years of history, safeguarding the sustainability of that peace, and rapid social advancement from which all the Cambodian people benefit.

In early September, I received an honorary doctorate in “Leadership and Peacebuilding” from WISE University in Dongguk, Gyeongsangbuk Province, Republic of Korea. There, I shared my lecture on “Cambodia’s Experience in National Liberation, Peacebuilding, Reconciliation and Reconstruction”. The topic I shared then and today is quite related, although in the Republic of Korea I focused more on the international context, whereas today I wanted to focus more on the national context of Cambodia. Indeed, for most of my life, I led Cambodia as Prime Minister for 38 years, and it was almost half a century if I include the time when I began the struggle to liberate the country of Pol Pot’s genocidal regime, and my time as Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister.

It is a fact that these lessons and experiences are rare, for which I even risked my life. I have always had the desire to share my experiences of leading Cambodia with Samdech, Excellencies and all participants, after I decided, as an incumbent ruler of the Royal Government, to take off the burden of my shoulders and to let the new generations take over. The difference is that new generations have not had to go through battlefields, armed conflicts or the real armed struggle to free the nation from the dark ages and tragedy. However, they have the overriding duty to continue to preserve, protect and promote the value of peace, create more new achievements, expand development potentials and strengthen national solidarity and unity by continuing to rely on the national motto “Nation, Religion, King” and the party’s motto “Independence, Peace, Freedom, Democracy, Neutrality and Social Progress”.

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(1) The question of who will lead Cambodia after Hun Sen has been resolved

I should clarify this point a little. Last year, there was a general election which ended the 6th legislative term government and entered the 7th legislative term. Those of us who are older have decided to leave the executive branch and transfer leadership to a new generation. The related question of who will lead Cambodia after Hun Sen has already been resolved and the country has been stable for more than a year. The difference here, as I have stated, is that one seeks and the other strives to protect and develop. We, the previous generation, went through a war phase, a phase of seeking peace, and we will continue to leave to the next generation to maintain peace and develop the country. Yesterday, I said in my meeting with the ICAPP leadership that “even if I die (and my soul) goes wherever, if the new generation lets the peace be damaged, I will not tolerate it. I will find a way, even if I am born as a ghost, to come back to settle the score with them.” […] starting a war is easy, but finding peace is difficult.

[End of comment – 2]

Cambodia was fortunate that His Majesty the late King Father Norodom Sihanouk, the Father of National Independence, led the struggle for independence on 9 November 1953 and the nation-building for 16 years. Cambodian people benefited from independence and development, despite being disrupted by the Red, Blue and White Khmer armed rebels. At that time, Cambodia was peaceful but lacked stability, due to rebellious activities and bombings along the border with South Vietnam. As such, peace could only last for 16 years. Cambodia was once again engulfed in flames of war after the coup overthrowing His Majesty the late King Father on18 March 1970and the invasion by American and South Vietnamese troops. From what I have mentioned, we can tell that those who were born in my generation, did not have sufficient time to receive education and enjoy our youth. Instead, we became hostages of war again and again, and were left with no other choices.

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[Start of comment – 3]

I would like to emphasize that our generation had no third option to choose from. If one were not on the side of the coup plotters, then one had to be on the side of the resistance.

[End of comment – 3]

The beginning of our tragedy started from the coup overthrowing His Majesty the late King Father Norodom Sihanouk in 1970. At that time, tens of thousands of patriotic youths and I decided to join the resistance forces in the jungle at the call of His Majesty the late King Father. However, the dream of liberating the nation from foreign domination under the Lon Nol regime on 17 April 1975, was replaced by a bloodshed tragedy under the leadership of extremist ideologue Khmer Rouge, which sought to turn Cambodia into a pure communist country, by completely eradicating all social classes, slaughtering the rich and the educated, and destroying all social and economic infrastructure. In just three years, eight months and twenty days, the Khmer Rouge killed more than three million innocent Cambodians. 

Unable to bear the atrocities of the Pol Pot regime and unwilling to sit idly by as the Khmer nation collapsed, I, then serving as a Battalion Commander controlling and commanding over 2,000 soldiers, decided to flee to Vietnam and risk my life as a last resort to liberate the nation from Pol Pot genocidal regime. On the night of 20 June 1977, four comrades and I left a military post in Koh Thmor village, Tonlong commune, Memot district, Tbong Khmum province in the eastern part of the country to cross the border into Vietnam. At that time, I had a few options to fight the Khmer Rouge, but I chose to cross into Vietnam to ask for their help in liberating the country. This choice undoubtedly stands as the best decision in the history for the survival of the Khmer nation. During such a dangerous time, I was determined that my path was not to seek safety solely for myself, but to help save the entire nation. Without a strong commitment and a clear plan for the nation, Vietnamese friends would not have trusted me and helped me build the armed force with​ around ten thousand Cambodian troops and build a political organization, namely the Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation, to hold the political flag, nor would they have been willing to send the Vietnamese volunteer troops to help Cambodia.

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[Start of comment – 4]

(2) Four options in the fight against the Khmer Rouge

I should say a little about this. I had a choice to make. I would like to draw the attention of the translator here. The unit that I refer to means a regiment. Be careful not to mistranslate. When I was the commander of a regiment with up to 2,000 soldiers, I had four options at that time. First, I could command the troops I had to fight the Khmer Rouge. But this was not a good option. We could control some areas for only a short time, which I think was only three weeks, and it would end in a bloodshed. The second option was to withdraw and cross over to Vietnam to find a way to form a new national liberation struggle. The third option was to do nothing and let Pol Pot’s people kill us. The fourth option was to commit suicide.

(3) Go to Vietnam to seek a new beginning for the liberation of the country

Finally, I decided to choose the second option, which was to go to Vietnam. In the past, history had bound the countries in the Indochina framework, and the French colonialism had also been imposed here. At that time, Cambodia, Vietnam, and Laos had also fought against the French colonialism together. When the United States invaded these three countries, we also joined forces to resist the invasion. Even more surprisingly, when Lon Nol staged a coup to overthrow Prince Norodom Sihanouk, Lon Nol had also called in the American and South Vietnamese troops to help. In light of all these, I had hope. Even though I had only 1% of my life left, I decided to leave for Vietnam to seek a new beginning for the liberation of the country.

(4) Immediately prevent Vietnam from sending Cambodian refugees back to the Khmer Rouge

There must have been a specific plan. If I had no specific plan, Vietnam would not have been able to help me. I should have clarified a little about Vietnam’s role in liberating Cambodia at that time. At least when I went to Vietnam, I was able to immediately prevent the Cambodian people who (fled the Khmer Rouge regime) crossing into Vietnam at that time from being sent back by Vietnam to the Khmer Rouge. When I arrived, I proposed that Vietnam stop sending Cambodians back to Pol Pot because Pol Pot killed them at the border. I thank the Communist Party of Vietnam and the Government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam for accepting the proposal and not sending Cambodian citizens who had fled to Vietnam to Pol Pot. At least I did this, which saved many lives under the circumstances.

(5) Five requests submitted to the Vietnamese leaders

Please note that, based on the principles of respecting independence, sovereignty, and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, Vietnam did not immediately accept to offer help […] I did mention the requests (I made to) Vietnam when I arrived. (The five points I requested were) to ask Vietnam – 1. not to send back Cambodians and let them become refugees in Vietnam; 2. to offer political asylum for cadres and fighters who fled to Vietnam from Cambodia; 3. to help Cambodia build an armed force to liberate the country; 4. to select refugees who fled to Vietnam to join the armed force; and 5. to arrange for us to meet with other resistance groups. At that time, Vietnam stood on the principles of respecting independence, sovereignty, and non-interference in Cambodia’s internal affairs.

(6) Vietnam decided to help build armed forces for Cambodian national liberation

The Vietnamese leadership did not approve my request. Later, Pol Pot’s people attacked Vietnam. I told the Vietnamese leaders and the Vietnamese army leaders that Pol Pot would attack at this or that point. They did not believe it. Therefore, when the Khmer Rouge attacked Vietnam, there was serious damage and many people died. Later, the Vietnamese leader, the Chief of the General Staff of the Vietnamese Army, said to me, “If Vietnam were to believe you, Vietnam would be prepared, and maybe the Vietnamese people would not be in such danger.” Vietnam clearly saw the emergency situation, not only for Vietnam but also for Cambodia. Therefore, Vietnam decided to help me build up armed forces for the Cambodian national liberation, which at that time was about 10,000 soldiers, 23 battalions, and 100 armed operations groups, entering the country.

(7) Two forces – the Cambodian army and the Vietnamese volunteer army, to liberate Cambodia from the Khmer Rouge regime

I would like to emphasize that when the resistance movement began, I was only 25 years old and was the highest leader at that time. But 10,000 people could not defeat the Khmer Rouge army, which numbered 180,000. So, as a last resort, Vietnam was willing to provide military assistance to liberate Cambodia. Hence, liberating Cambodia from the Khmer Rouge regime requires using two forces together – the Cambodian army, although small, but we have a political organization and a military organization of our own, and the support of the Vietnamese volunteer army.

[End of comment – 4]

At this juncture, I would like to express once again my deep and lasting gratitude to Vietnam, and especially the Vietnamese volunteer troops, for sacrificing their lives to liberate Cambodia from the clutches of the Pol Pot genocidal regime. And according to historical records, Vietnamese friends have always thanked Cambodia for helping support Vietnamese friends in national and territorial unification, ensuring the latter’s sovereignty and independence.

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[Start of comment – 5]

The Vietnamese leaders often raise this point, and then Prince Norodom Sihanouk once said that “he helped Vietnam so much that someone launched a coup detat to overthrew him.” Well, this is a tradition, an objective factor that happened in the past. Lon Nol could call in the US army, the South Vietnamese troops (for help). At that time Vietnam was not yet united. The then North Vietnam supported and recognized the current borders of Cambodia, and South Vietnam was with the US in bombing and invading Cambodia.

[End of comments – 5]

Following the liberation on 7 January 1979, we faced the immense challenge of rebuilding the country with bare hands. On the one hand, we had to protect against the potential return of the Khmer Rouge regime and ensure the safety of our people. On the other hand, we must strive to find and provide food for our starving people, erect national governing institutions, and revive the economy at a time when our human resources had been almost decimated. Not only was the domestic situation, even the international situation was also unfavorable to us. The international community did not recognize the government which liberated the nation, and Cambodia’s seat at the United Nations was occupied by the Khmer Rouge for 12 years, during which we had to endure unjust diplomatic and economic sanctions. As the Minister of Foreign Affairs at the age of 27, I was truly in pain and haven’t forgotten about it yet!

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[Start of comment – 6]

(8) When Lon Nol occupied the seat at the UN, they said he controlled the capital; when the PRK controlled the capital, it was denied the seat

As a former foreign minister, I was only 27 years old at the time. I had suffered a lot to this day. I should emphasize that there is no standard, as I said at the ICAPP meeting. In 1970-1975, the Cambodian seat at the UN was controlled by the Lon Nol regime, on the grounds that Lon Nol occupied the capital. This is how it was interpreted. In 1979-1991, we (the People’s Republic of Kampuchea) fought to seize the seat at the UN, but it was interpreted that our government was illegitimate. In the past, it was said that the one occupied the capital is the one to have the seat at the UN. When Lon Nol carried out an illegal coup, Lon Nol was considered legitimate at the UN. This is a lesson that still requires a specific interpretation because they always interpret it according to their power and their wish that lacks integrity or the responsible behavior of as a superpower. Even though it is a story that had happened in the past for a long time, we cannot forget it. We cannot change the past, but the past is an experience for us in the present and future.

[End of comments – 6]

When becoming the Prime Minister of Cambodia in 1985, I was only 32 years old and was the youngest Prime Minister in the world at that time. Immediately after assuming the position of Prime Minister, I declared that no military approach would resolve Cambodia’s conflicts and the sole route to peace for Cambodia was through negotiations and political solutions among Cambodians. It is in this spirit that I issued a five-point declaration in October 1987, to solve Cambodia’s issues, namely:

1). Organize a Sihanouk-Hun Sen Meeting;

2). Complete the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Cambodia, along with the cessation of all aid and support to the forces of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea;

3). Organize an election with international observers to form a coalition government that adheres to the principles of neutrality and non-alignment;

4). Negotiate with Thailand to establish a safe and peaceful border and arrange for the voluntary repatriation of refugees; and

5). Organize an international conference to ensure the impending agreement with the participation of both governments (Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea and the People’s Republic of Kampuchea), the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, Vietnam, India, and other countries.

At this point, I would like to elaborate on a historical fact that I was the first person to express desire to meet with Majesty the late King Father Norodom Sihanouk backed by the above principle points as a basis for continued negotiations to find peace. With this in mind, I was the sole driving force behind the first meeting which we called the “Sihanouk-Hun Sen Meeting” on 2 December 1987 in Fère-en-Tardenois, France, which paved the way for the true negotiation process towards a final political solution through the signing of the Agreements on the Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodia Conflict or Paris Agreements on 23 October 1991, which was achieved through the will and true patriotic spirit of His Majesty the late King Father Norodom Sihanouk and myself, Hun Sen;  this year 2024 marks the 33rd anniversary of the Paris Peace Agreement.

Before reaching the conclusion of the signing of the Paris Peace Agreements, we had worked hard on those core tasks, which were fundamental, essential and indispensable. Of course, many countries had helped us and provided full support to Cambodia in the negotiation process, which lasted almost four years. For instance, France and Indonesia played an important role as co-chairs of the Paris Conference on Cambodia, when many of our discussions were held there. Meanwhile, Australia pushed its initiative to place Cambodia temporarily under UN supervision during the transition period. France and Japan, while contributing to the peace agreements, had broadly supported Cambodia’s reconstruction and development efforts. Similarly, Thailand had largely aided these efforts and supported the repatriation of over 370,000 Cambodian refugees. Vietnam, with the complete withdrawal of its troops in 1989, also helped clear the stumbling blocks in the negotiations regarding the future of the Khmer Rouge and the presence of foreign troops.

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[Start of comment – 7]

(9) Vietnamese troops withdrew, clearing the international aspect of Cambodian problem and accelerating the momentum at the negotiating table

Let me emphasize this point a little. When I became Prime Minister, I was still holding the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs. At the end of 1985, there was a meeting of Foreign Ministers in Hanoi at which I was both the Prime Minister and the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Vietnam was represented by His Excellency Nguyen Co Thach, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs. Laos was represented by His Excellency Phoun Sipaseuth, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs. At that time, we announced that we would withdraw Vietnamese troops completely within five to ten years. If we followed this approach, the Vietnamese troops would be completely withdrawn by 1990 or by 1995, which is a five to ten years timeframe. However, Cambodia itself had tried to build up forces quickly to replace the role of the Vietnamese troops.

Finally, Vietnam withdrew its troops in September 1989, which gave the opportunity to resolve its international aspect of the Cambodian problems. I would like to emphasize that the Cambodian problem has two aspects – the international aspect and the internal aspect. When the Vietnamese troops withdrew from Cambodia, the international aspect was resolved. The remaining issues were the future of the Khmer Rouge and the use of other countries’ territory and the provision of military assistance from other countries to the opposition forces. It was part of increasing the weight of the negotiations. Earlier, there were talks of the Vietnamese troops, but when the Vietnamese troops left, my negotiations were carried out with great momentum at the negotiating table.

[End of comments – 7]

While I recall that it was the friendly nations in the international community that assisted us in forming the basis of the negotiation process, what was more important was that we, the Khmer people, initiated and put efforts to establish the Supreme National Council (SNC) for Cambodia. As evidence, during the second “Sihanouk-Hun Sen meeting” in Saint Germain-en-Laye in 1988, I initiated the establishment of a High-Level National Unification Council, which was discussed again at the First Jakarta Informal Meeting (JIM I), although no agreement was reached at that time. Then, in March 1990, with the support of General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, an agreement to establish a “Supreme National Council” was signed, simply changing the title from “High Council for National Reunification” to “Supreme National Council”.

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[Start of Comment – 8]

His Excellency Chavalit Yongchaiyut was then Deputy Prime Minister. After serving as Commander-in-Chief of the Army, he served as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Defense of Thailand. He helped to organize the meeting between me and King Norodom Sihanouk.

[End of Comment – 8]

A formal agreement between the two parties, the State of Cambodia and the Tripartite Group, adopted the formula “6 + 6” or “6 + 2 + 2 + 2 = 12”, and was signed in Tokyo, thank to the support from Japan as the host country and participation by General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh. However, the composition of the SNC was later determined at a meeting in Jakarta, Indonesia, while the first SNC meeting was held at the Embassy of the Kingdom of Cambodia in Bangkok, led by the Dean Chao Sen Kosal, known as “Chhum”. This was one of the most important episodes of the negotiation process, demonstrating Cambodia’s willingness, activeness, and proactiveness in seeking to build and secure peace for the nation, despite the challenging circumstances.

Referring to the Paris Peace Agreements, it was clearly a significant and positive turning point in the history of Cambodia. As a result of these agreements, Cambodia was able to restore its relations with the international community and the Royal Government, established through elections organized by the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC), also regained its seat at the United Nations. This agreement enabled Cambodia to adopt a new constitution in 1993 that embraced the constitutional monarchy, multi-party liberal democracy and free market economy. Cambodia always recognizes and feels a deep sense of gratitude to the international community for its efforts to bring peace to Cambodia within the framework of the United Nations and for being our friends. We must also do justice and show our gratitude to the Vietnamese leaders of the time for helping to establish the Cambodian army and being willing to send their volunteer troops to help liberate Cambodia from the genocidal regime of Pol Pot. The withdrawal of all their troops from Cambodia in 1989 had also opened the way for the advancement of negotiations, which were then blocked by questions of the future of the Khmer Rouge and the presence of foreign troops.

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(10) The Khmer Rouge trial means that “Cambodia really had a genocidal regime”

Let me highlight a historical fact that should not be ignored. It is true. What does the Khmer Rouge trial mean? It means that Cambodia really had a genocidal regime, that is why the Khmer Rouge trial was held. So, we must not do the math of one minus one equals zero. They condemned both the Khmer Rouge and those who attacked the Khmer Rouge. Is it fair for us? They recognized that there was a genocidal regime. If there was a genocidal regime, should we let the genocidal regime continue or overthrow it? Why did the allied forces attack Hitler? It was to prevent the fascist Hitler from invading everyone. The United States decided to drop the atom bomb on Japan to prevent Japanese militarism from continuing its invasion.

Why Cambodia couldn’t do something to save the people’s lives by overthrowing the Khmer Rouge regime with both Cambodian and Vietnamese forces? At that time, it was clear that we had to accept the fact that American troops were in Japan, in South Korea, in the Philippines, and in Thailand. Why could they do it, why couldn’t Cambodia do it? Are we willing to let people die? If we don’t liberate them within that time, just one more year, the Cambodian people would have been massacred, almost without a single person left. This is a true story in our history. However, this is just what we have gone through.

[End of comment – 9]

Nevertheless, with many positive outcomes, UNTAC had left Cambodia without fulfilling its mission completely. Despite the Paris Agreement, the Khmer Rouge did not comply, and the United Nations also failed to force the Khmer Rouge to disarm and participate in the democratic process. In other words, the ultimate goal of achieving complete peace, as outlined in the agreements, was not realized. Even after elections and the establishment of the Royal Government in 1993, civil war continued, with Cambodia experiencing controlled areas divided between the Royal Government and the Khmer Rouge.

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(11) “Failure is like an orphan; while success has many fathers”

I would like to point out that after spending US$ 2 billion, UNTAC left Cambodia, leaving Cambodia still mired in war. As my friend from Japan wrote in the preface of one of his books – “failure is like an orphan, success has many fathers.” It is absolutely true. When it is a failure, everyone kept quiet. But when it is a success, many come out and claim the achievements. Even the key role of Prince Norodom Sihanouk is forgotten. (Like the Paris Peace Agreement on) October 23, I don’t know where have those who claimed to be teachers coming from. Please note that some of the countries that signed at the same time (for the UN operation) are still mired in war.

(12) Without Prince Norodom Sihanouk, the United Nations might still be in trouble

In Cambodia, the United Nations withdrew. The United Nations should be grateful to then Prince Norodom Sihanouk, the Father of the Cambodian Nation. Without him, by this time, the United Nations might still be in trouble. However, the role of the Father of the Nation, Prince Norodom Sihanouk, was respected by the political parties that had seats in the Constituent Assembly at that time, so we created a better situation allowing for the withdrawal of the United Nations from Cambodia. However, as I have stated, the war did not end with (the withdrawal of) UNTAC. UNTAC withdrew, leaving Cambodia with a situation of tiger skin where there were wars in some parts of the country, and especially on the Cambodian-Thai border, and there was an attempt to print the money by the government of Democratic Kampuchea.

[End of comment – 9]

It was at this point that I initiated the Win-Win Policy and negotiations between Khmer and Khmer in 1996 to unite and integrate all parties into a single government, single legal system, and single armed force, laying a solid foundation for lasting peace, national reconciliation, and national development.

This policy successfully ended more than three decades of civil war without a single bullet, through the peaceful integration and dissolution of the Khmer Rouge political organization, as laid out in the Divide, Isolate, Finish, Integrate, and Development (DIFID) strategy.

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(13) Win-win politics assured three guarantees

Then we put forward three guarantees to implement the win-win politics. First, we guarantee their lives and bodies. Second, we guarantee their careers and occupations. Third, we guarantee their property. At this point, I should mention one of my colleagues, General Samdech Pichey Sena Tea Banh, whom I kept thinking that without him, I would not be sure if the process would be successful. I was the one who initiated the idea and led it directly, but there had to be someone to lead it in action. This is important. Not everyone just believes it. If this is not guaranteed, (Cambodia would have faced) danger and the war would not be over yet. I should also say that we also had a wrong idea, but we had to correct it. The generals came to my house (and) asked me to adjust the positions of the army because the breakaway areas were full of Khmer Rouge units.

Well, the Chief of Staff, the Deputy Chief of Staff came to see me, who was then the Prime Minister and the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, and said, “there must be adjustments to allow some divisions to station in Kandal, Takeo, Kampot, Svay Rieng, Prey Veng, Kampong Cham, the provinces below. If not, when there is an armed rebellion again, we will not be able to control it.” I told those generals – “we cannot do it.” First, if we take these brothers away from their place to the provinces below, it is equivalent to breaking the third promise about recognizing ownership. They have land there, and second, where do we find land in the provinces below for them? It would be difficult.

I pointed out to the generals – “what’s more important here is that if we leave them where they are, and if those brother rebel again, the war will be in the same area – no more and no less.” But if you stationed them in the provinces below, if the war breaks out again, it will break out all over the country and cannot be controlled. The point here is related to both political issues and the military aspect.

[End of comment – 11]

I issued the “Three Guarantees” for members of the Khmer Rouge, who no longer wanted to see bloodshed among Cambodians and were willing to surrender to live in a society, where there were no winners or losers, but all Cambodians emerged as winners with the long-awaited peace. I, for the second time, had put my own life at stake to pursue the negotiations and promote the implementation of the Win-Win Policy, until we achieved complete success on 29 December 1998, when the Khmer Rouge’s political and military organization was dissolved. The success of the Win-Win Policy has given Cambodia complete peace, unity of the armed forces, and complete control over its territorial integrity, which is one of the greatest social achievements we have ever experienced in the last 500 years of our history, as in the past, we were always a country with at least two dominions at the same time.

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[Start of comment -12]

(14) Win-win politics has provided the longest peace in Cambodia’s last 500 years of history

I am ashamed to say this, but we should not hide our painful past. In its recent past 500 years of history, to mention only from King Ponhea Yaat in 1470, at the Chadomuk era, one could ask a question did Cambodia have peace? Cambodia had always had many controlled areas, no less than two at a time. But the win-win politics has given Cambodia the opportunity to have peace for nearly 27 years now. It is the longest peace in its last 500 years of history.

In the era of the popular socialist of Samdech Preah Norodom Sihanouk, counting from 1953 or 1954 to 1955 […] after the departure (of the colonial force), the disarmament started and the country prepared for the 1955 elections. There was peace then for only 16 years. In those 16 years, there were also disturbances by the Khmer Rouge, the Khmer Blue, the Khmer White, and the bombing by the United States and South Vietnam along the border. But for the peace that we have achieved for almost 27 years now, there is no division of territory, no remaining armed groups, there is one king, one Constitution, one parliament, one government, and a unified armed force. It is true that we have many political parties, but we no longer have armed conflicts.

For Cambodia, peace is something to protect. Don’t talk about anything else. Before talking about anything else, we must talk about peace. Without peace, nothing can be done. We have suffered more than enough. We don’t need any war in Cambodia. So, we are asking our foreign friends to understand. When Hun Sen used an iron fist to control the situation, to prevent a color revolution, it was only to ensure the peace for the Cambodian people. We must not ignore the issue of peace.

[End of comment – 12]

I have also reflected carefully on the importance of delivering justice for the Cambodian people, especially “justice for the dead victims and peace for the survivors” as a vital step towards national reconciliation in the aftermath of the conflict. This is exemplified by the establishment of the first international hybrid tribunal, known as Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), with the collaboration with the UN, to bring to trial the five senior leaders of the Khmer Rouge for their atrocities and crimes against humanity, holding them accountable to both the world and national history.

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[Start of comment – 13]

(15) “Willing to let the courts fail, but not to let Cambodia go back to war”

As I said at the ICAPP meeting the other day, our partners (in the Khmer Rouge tribunal wished to) have more cases as far as involving our King, the President of the National Assembly, the President of the Senate, and other leaders in the court and opening up widespread prosecutions. I told the then former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon – “I am willing to let the courts fail, but I am not going to let Cambodia go back to war.” They have always been are biased. Sometimes they support the Khmer Rouge, sometimes they support war, and then they demand prosecution, without considering the relationship between war and peace, between justice and peace, and between justice and war. Some people only think about what they think, but they do not consider our real interests. That is why I always advise my colleagues and appeal to the Cambodian people – “no matter what, we must think that only we are the owners of the country. No one knows us better than us.” That is why we must dare to fight on issues that are in our interests, with cooperation and partnership with foreign countries.

[End of comment – 13]

The extraordinary achievement of the ECCC was concluded and jointly announced by the Kingdom of Cambodia and the United Nations in December 2022. This set a landmark example of this type of international tribunals, in not only fostering social cohesion but also preventing retaliation and widespread resentment among people in the country.

Recently, there are not many examples of transitional justice on the international stage. Even Rwanda, which went through the genocide from 7 April 1994 to 19 July 1994, did not build a hybrid court as Cambodia did. Currently, we have more than 2 million pages of historical paper and digital documents stored at the National Library ready for any research related to the combat against genocide and crimes against humanity by all people, and academic researchers as well as other international justice institutions provided that they need reference on the Khmer Rouge Tribunal of Cambodia as a case model.

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[Start of comment – 14]

(16) Jointly disseminate the most successful cases of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal

I would like to take this opportunity to call on the leaders who are invited to participate here to jointly create a wide dissemination by organizing the dissemination institutions that already exist in Cambodia. We can establish an academy […] and it is already stated in this charter. Hopefully, there will be contributions to be created according to the framework that we have experimented with, provide studies, and researchers and those who want to know about (the most successful cases of this kind of international tribunal, which not only reconciled society, but also prevented revenge and hatred in the country) can come to understand and study. There are more than 2 million pages. It is a lot. Then we can organize the dissemination of this matter.

[End of comment – 14]

           Aside from the peacebuilding efforts, I also wish to remind that, despite accusations that Cambodia in the 1980s was ruled by a Communist regime with Vietnamese army in Cambodia to prevent the return of the Pol Pot Regime, Vietnam in fact respected Cambodia’s decisions in all areas relating to the governing of the country.

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(17) Hun Sen of Cambodia

I should say a little about this. I had been quite unfortunate. I went to Moscow, people called me a liberal. I never joined the delegations from the so-called socialist countries. I was always classified in the framework of the Third World or non-aligned countries to have a courtesy call on the leaders of the Soviet Union, because the Soviets said we were not socialists. When I went to France, they said I was a communist. In Moscow, they called me a liberal, and in Paris, they called me a communist. In the end, I said, call me whatever you want, but I am the Hun Sen of Cambodia. That’s the truth.

(18) Vietnam helped liberate and prevent from the Pol Pot regime, Cambodia made political, economic, and social decision

Regarding some accused us of being under the Vietnam’s control. Let me clarify. There is a Vietnamese leader here now. Vietnam came to Cambodia to help liberate Cambodia and help prevent the return of the Pol Pot regime, but the political, economic, and social decisions are made by Cambodia. I told the IMF, World Bank, ADB, and other development partners – “in the past, you accused us of being puppets of Vietnam. But back then, I had more freedom to make my decisions than now. Now, if I don’t follow you, you will cut off aid.” Then, you may ask His Excellency Tran Thanh Man, Vietnam was still cooperating even Cambodia at that time embarked on distribution land to the people, whereas Vietnam had not yet started its Doi Moi and the Soviets had not yet introduced Perestroika or Glasnost.

Up to this day, when borrowing money from the World Bank to build a school, the World Bank says – “they will only lend money for use as a scholarship.” We said to them, “Your Excellency, if I don’t even have a school, what can I do with the scholarship?” They just won’t let us borrow money […] some financial institutions and partners had forced me to sell the custom. You may ask the Vietnamese leaders. Were the Vietnamese leaders forcing me to do that? Vietnam still had cooperatives and shared produce. I distributed land to the people, embarking on land reform, and entered the market economy […]

(19) Embarking on political and economic reforms

Today, Cambodians will also watch the live broadcast from here. Some people are born after that era and may want to know about this issue. I think my lecture is compiled and prepared, but I am talking on many issued here. The transition from a planned economy to a market economy is not a very common issue. Let me tell you, how fragile is my life. In addition to going through the war […] with the Americans, South Vietnam and those supported by the Americans […] for which I went to 105 battlefields, was wounded five times, and lost one eye. I have bet my life to liberate the country, and again my head for peace through win-win politics. I had started reforms on two fronts. The political front is shifting from thinking only about fighting to negotiating and fighting, which is moving towards ending the war through negotiations. This is a big reform. The second big one is economic reform.

(20) Overcoming the three pressures to bring the country to a better state

There were three pressures that challenged me […] but fortunately, Hun Sen did not subdue. Hun Sen’s life was already fragile in the war, but it was even more fragile in politics. This reform caused three problems.

First, there was no understanding within our ranks. What is there to negotiate? That is why at that time, Tea Banh, who was transferred from the General Staff to Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Public Works, was brought in by me as Minister of National Defense. If the army does not support it, how can we negotiate? I transferred the position of Foreign Minister to another person, but this Foreign Minister could not manage the internal affairs and did not understand foreign affairs. I had to take back the position of Foreign Minister. Without internal understanding is very dangerous. So, I had to start from the bottom up making sure people benefit from the distribution of land and create a private economy to solve internal problems.

Second, the Vietnamese army was still in Cambodia. At a time when Vietnam had not yet undergone reforms, Cambodia had undergone reforms. This point indicates that Vietnam respected our decision.

Third, at that time, the Soviet Union and the CMEA countries were the ones who helped us. If the Soviets thought that Hun Sen had entered the stage of revisionism, they could simply tell Samdech Heng Samrin and Samdech Chea Sim that “if Hun Sen was allowed to continue to be the prime minister, the Soviets would stop providing aid” – Hun Sen would be dead. But fortunately, I did this job, negotiated and reformed the economy.

So, the three dangerous obstacles were like three arrows waiting to release at Hun Sen, but Hun Sen is still alive today and has contributed to bringing this country to a better situation.

[End of comment – 15]

The experience of post-war nation-building is a critical topic, as some countries, after a brief period of peace, often relapse into conflict due to the delayed economic and infrastructure recovery, inadequate education systems, and limited access to mental health treatment. For example, following the atrocities in Cambodia, over 70% of the population experienced mental health challenges. These issues were addressed through social protection measures, psychological education, religious guidance, and economic growth, particularly focusing on economic reform by transitioning from a planned economy to a market-based system. Cambodia faced the additional strain of widespread economic sanctions. Despite facing economic sanctions from all sides, the nation successfully resisted the resurgence of the genocidal regime and has continued to pursue bold reforms.

In the 1980s and 1990s, Cambodia’s economy was extremely fragile, with economic and infrastructure developments in the country heavily reliant on foreign aids. We persistently exerted considerable effort to drive forward domestic reforms, while simultaneously striving for Cambodia’s integration into regional and global economy. Under my leadership, the Royal Government of Cambodia effectively launched and implemented the Triangular Strategy from 1998 to 2003, followed by the four phases of the Rectangular Strategy from 2003 to 2023.

The Triangular Strategy emphasized three key priorities, including: 1). Pacification with the aim to maintain order, stability, security, and peacebuilding within the country; 2). Cambodia’s integration into the regional and international community, including international financial institutions, and normalization of Cambodia’s relationship with other countries to enhance exchanges of trade and investment; and 3). Socio-economic development, poverty reduction, governance, institutional and judicial reforms, and public sector management (To achieve success, our strategy and economic reforms are designed to be people-centered, focusing on expanding the middle class and reducing poverty.)

From the third to the sixth mandate, the Royal Government of Cambodia adopted and implemented the Rectangular Strategy to drive the “Royal Government of Economy” with the motto: “Royal Government of Growth, Employment, Equity, and Efficiency”. This strategy involved executing a comprehensive economic agenda to improve and build the capacity of public institutions, strengthen good governance, and modernize national economic infrastructure such as roads, railways, and air connectivity. The goal was to promote economic growth, create jobs for all citizens, ensure social equity, and enhance the efficiency of the public sector.

Alongside the promotion of the internal development, we had also advanced regional and international integration to create new opportunities for diplomatic relations, economic cooperation, and sustainable development. I led Cambodia into the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1999 and served as the ASEAN rotating chair three times in 2002, 2012, and 2022. Through ASEAN, Cambodia has gained tremendous benefits with various international partners, and we have established interwoven relationships through numerous bilateral and multilateral free trade agreements. Additionally, Cambodia successfully joined the World Trade Organization in 2004.

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[Start of comment – 16]

Let me clarify here a little bit. If Cambodia had not been stuck in the process of forming a government after the 2003 elections, Cambodia could have accession to the World Trade Organization since 2003. They already approved our membership, but we had not been able to ratify internally because the Cambodian opposition parties boycotted the meeting. At that time, we still applied the 2/3 majority system. We tried to arrange it to a 50+1 system to facilitate the process of government.

[End of comment – 16]

Through the formulation and effective implementation of the national development policy, Cambodia has remarkably transformed its status, if we compare to other countries emerging from wars around the same time as Cambodia. We have transformed from a poor and conflict-prone society to one with stability, peace, and security, where our people are beginning to reap the benefits of peace and development. The poverty rate was reduced to below 10% before the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, and we are on track to fully graduate from the status of a least developed country in 2029. Cambodia has transitioned from a country with severe revenue deficits and reliance on development partners for two-thirds of the national budget to a country capable of managing its national budget with strong ownership, and having financial reserves to protect the national economy and the livelihoods of its citizens against crises and disasters. We have moved from being an isolated nation under international sanctions into a nation deeply integrated into the region and the world, and capable of deploying peacekeeping forces and participating actively in peace initiatives both within and beyond the region.

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[Start of comment – 17]

(21) Rising from isolation to becoming an equal right and footing partner

I should emphasize that from being a foreign minister whom many avoided shaking hands, from a Prime Minister whom many avoided shaking hands to a Prime Minister who had been welcomed, I communicated with all the five permanent member powers. In 2022, world leaders, including three permanent members, came to the ASEAN meeting I this very building – China, the United States, and Russia. So, we have strived to rise from isolation to becoming an equal right and footing partner of cooperation.

[Ed of comment – 17]

Based on past achievements, the new Royal Government has laid out the Pentagonal Strategy as the agenda for Cambodia’s socio-economic development towards Economic Growth, Employment, Equity, Efficiency, and Sustainability. The strategy sets five key priorities: “People, Roads, Water, Electricity, and Technology ” and specifically emphasizes on human capital development.

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[Start of comment – 18]

I apologize, Prime Minister, for bringing up the issue that is the government’s job. There is, however, no prohibition for me not to speak because it is a matter of the country.

[End of comment – 18]

This strategy envisions a 25-year timeframe, with five successive phases, and was reoriented and refined based on the actual domestic, regional, and global context, as well as lessons learned from previous policies. It aims to achieve the ultimate goal of nation-building, fulfilling the aspirations of the Cambodian people to transform Cambodia into a high-income country by 2050.

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[Start of comment – 19]

This is what I said internally when I met with the head of the delegation yesterday: Definitely, Cambodia will not fall into the middle-income country trap. We have gone from a low-income country to a lower-middle-income country, and will achieve the status of an upper-middle-income country by 2030, and then by 2050, we will become a high-income country. We have 25 years left to reach that goal.

[End of comment – 19]

Cambodia’s role as a model for peacekeeping force contributions has been internationally lauded under the United Nations framework, and our female peacekeepers have also been recognized. Up to the present, approximately 10,000 Cambodian troops have been dispatched across 10 countries. This reflects the nation’s commitment to fostering peace, promoting dialogue, building confidence in negotiations to end wars, and collaborating with our strategic partners in response to natural disasters, humanitarian crises, and other man-made phenomena. Building resilience in response to crises is a defining strength of the Cambodian people today. I hope that by fostering resilience in the economy, addressing climate change, and adapting to the evolving geopolitical environment within the global order, Cambodia can sustain its independence and sovereignty.

Although there are still several points that I wish to share, due to time constraints, I will now conclude the historical facts of Cambodia and proceed on to provide a brief summary of the fundamental lessons derived from our journey of peacebuilding and national reconciliation as follows:

1^st   Ownership of the nation’s destiny: A nation must have ownership of its national issues. When a nation loses ownership of its destiny, it becomes vulnerable to divisions and crises. Similarly, the pursuit of peace must originate from the citizens of the nation, and long-lasting solutions require participations from citizens and armed forces across all political spectrums before achieving national unity and a singular national armed force. Even though Cambodia received support from foreign friends and the United Nations, lasting peace cannot be attained unless it is initiated and actively pursued by Cambodia itself. This is the true essence of the Win-Win Policy, which was initiated by Cambodians, participated and implemented by Cambodians, and reaped benefits by Cambodians.

2^nd  The international community must work together and prioritize the preservation of existing peace, over seeking or building peace that has been lost. War is undoubtedly easy to ignite, but it took Cambodia 30 years to extinguish the flame of wars. We have experienced total peace for just 26 years, but it is the longest peace in the last 500 years of our history. It is unfortunate that we often receive criticism that we talk too much about peace and fuel the fear of war. A section of our younger generation has gradually taken peace for granted, underestimating it, with some even seeking to pursue a change of government through undemocratic means, even at the cost of sacrificing peace in the process. Such trends are dangerous, and all international communities must work together to prevent, condemn, and oppose this kind of extremist ideology. We must strive to educate our citizens about the value of peace, without which we cannot speak so romantically about human rights, democracy, and development.

3^rd   Even if peace is achieved, it will not endure without national unity, reconciliation, justice, and sustainable and inclusive development. With Cambodia’s experience, we must strive to find ways to ensure that peace could last and take deep root in the society, through national reconciliation and unity. I want to emphasize the importance of promoting the “Culture of Dialogue” in Cambodia’s political sphere, as our country has endured a cycle of brutal violence, frequent undemocratic regime changes, and relentless revenges. Even after Cambodia achieved full peace in 1998, I continued to practice this “Culture of Dialogue” with other political parties to foster harmony, strengthen national unity, and nurture democracy. We recognize that democracy is a management regime, respecting diversity and providing effective means of resolving and managing political dissent through votes, rather than through bullets, violence, or insurgency.

Today, Cambodia has many political parties, but Cambodia no longer has many armed groups. It is also noteworthy that violence during elections has disappeared completely from Cambodia’s politics, thanks to the success of the Win-Win Policy. This is a historical fact of Cambodian politics, reflecting the political maturity and progress of democracy in Cambodia.

(In this world, there is no standard definition of democracy; I generally understand that democracy must have peace as a precondition; when there is peace, we can enjoy freedoms, religions, infrastructure development, and freedom of expression within the laws, as well as regular elections. We respect the beliefs of the people, protect the private economy of the people while in tandem we enforce our laws, collecting revenues for the state, maintain macroeconomic stability, and expand the potentials of our human resources to reach their peak as a strong national defense pillar. This is the path of democracy that Cambodia has been travelling and the one that we will continue to take moving forward.)

Efforts to reduce poverty and promote comprehensive and inclusive development remain an essential policy to maintain lasting peace and stability. When a country experiences widespread poverty and many people are unemployed and uneducated, people are susceptible to extremist ideologies that seek to blame an institution or social group to express their anger. Therefore, this poses a significant challenge for developing countries, as they lack the magic to create immediate development in all sectors across the countries, as some people desire. For a nation with limited means and resources like developed countries, the government truly need the support and understanding of the general population regarding the pace of national development. At this point, I also want advanced countries to understand the difficulties of developing countries as well. We want to see support from our friends. We do not want to see interference into our internal affairs, by exploiting our limitations of institutional capacity and resources and provoking unrest among citizens and support extremist ideologies that aim to overthrow the government through undemocratic means. We ask for constructive support, rather than efforts to discredit, obstruct, or hinder our chosen path of development without consideration of values of peace, hardship, and the countless tragedies of the Cambodian people.

As I stated at the 76th UN General Assembly, history has repeatedly proven to us that interference, the worst form of which is through military means, to impose changes of political regime or other governance systems is not a solution. On the contrary, such actions often result in greater loss of life, human suffering, and the escalation of social and economic conflicts. Cambodia serves as a real-life example, having endured one of the worst and most unfortunate tragedies. In recent past and in the present, we have still witnessed external interference from certain countries. Recent events, such as those in Afghanistan and Bangladesh, are lessons to be learned on the significance of respect for the aspirations of each individual nation and the right of their people to self-determination. These lessons underscore the value of allowing nations to shape their own paths. Large and small countries possess unique characteristics shaped by their history, culture, traditions, way of life, and political systems. They should not be subjected to unilateral sanctions, prohibitions, economic measures, or other forms of coercion that violate international law and the principles outlined in the UN Charter.

As we speak, the world is experiencing shift in the global order, along with wars and conflicts in various regions, including the ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine. No one can predict when this war will come to an end. Conflicts in the Middle East are complex, often taking the form of regional wars that could escalate into religious wars linked to the proxy wars of superpowers. Trade tensions between the United States and China, emerging neo-colonial conflicts in Africa between the white and black people, emerging threat of war on the Korean Peninsula, unresolved political and armed conflicts in Myanmar, and non-traditional security issues all constitute a grave threat to peace and development of both the region and the world. The results of the United States general election are likely to escalate geopolitical rivalries among superpowers, particularly the United States, China, and Russia, which can further exacerbate the above complications, and might possibly push beyond the geo-political war to the clashes of civilizations and a race for technological dominance. I am sure that all participants are aware of these issues from a variety of sources; some are true, and some are not; but they are all real threats that I will not elaborate further.

In conclusion, the Peace Charter: For People and the Planet is crucial for the future of Cambodia and its coming generations. It preserves the nation’s history and identity and safeguards the hard-earned legacy of peace that Cambodia has achieved. Every stage in our history—political regime changes, leadership transitions, ideological rivalries, internal struggles for power, and genocide—stands as a profound lesson for our miserable nation. These experiences have built our resilience in the face of historical crises when Cambodia tried to build peace, pursue national reconciliation, tolerance, and unity for the development and prosperity of Cambodian society. It is this resilience that helped us build the foundation for national transition towards modern technological era in an inclusive manner, and connect us with a new prosperous and lasting civilization.

I hope that today’s lecture will contribute to deepening the understanding of the values of peace and the difficulties in peacebuilding, national reconciliation, and unity, as well as preserving long-lasting peace, particularly in developing countries.

To conclude, I would like to extend my heartfelt thanks to Excellencies, Ladies, and Gentlemen for attentively listening to my lecture, which I hope can serve as valuable input for building the “Peace Charter: For People and the Planet.” I trust that the five main pillars—(1) Conflict Prevention; (2) Peacebuilding Process and Good Offices; (3) Transitional Justice; (4) Post-conflict Reconstruction and Humanitarian and Disaster Response; and (5) Food Security and Sustainable Development in Response to Climate Change—will serve as invaluable assets for real actions aimed at promoting respect for international law, and that they can be adaptable for countries of different regions and of different national characteristics, putting the interests of the people first.

Peace Charter: For People and the Planet will be a public good that any nation can use, all people can participate, without any binding obligations, in accordance with the vision and objectives set out in the United Nations’ “Summit of the Future” in 2024.

Finally, I wish Samdech, Excellencies, Ladies, and Gentlemen good health, success in all your endeavors, and the best of luck, accompanied by the five gems of Buddha’s blessings, namely longevity, nobility, happiness, strength and wisdom./.

CMF: 23/11/2024

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(1) In absence of religion, people no longer think about sin or the boundaries of virtue and morality

The Khmer history is perhaps the most unique. There was a period of three years, eight months, and 20 days (under the Democratic Kampuchea,) in which religion was abolished. Some countries have had restriction on this or that religious freedom in order for another religion to flourish. In Cambodia, within the said period, every religion was abolished altogether. We observe what were the people’s actions in the absence of religions? (People) no longer think about merit or sinful action, or about the boundaries of virtue and morality. The virtuous are no longer virtuous. As long as someone caught with action deemed to have betrayed the organization, that someone became the target of attack. There is no understanding and compassion. Sometimes we overlook the value of something when it is (in existence) every day, like air […]

(2) Three international meetings bring participants from 40 countries to talk about peace and national unification

This week, we have three major international meetings. The CDI meeting of the centrist parties, with members from hundreds of countries around the world, has just ended in Siem Reap. In Phnom Penh, this morning, the ICAPP congress, with more than 60 political parties from 40 participating countries is wrapping up. Tomorrow, there will be another meeting of parliamentarians, organized by the National Assembly. They all are covering the topics about peace and national unification. Why these important meetings choose Cambodia (as a meeting place). All the participants wanted to learn factors that make finding peace in Cambodia successful and sustainable. Some countries have had episodes of stopping fighting for a while, and then starting fighting again. There was a truce, and then the retaliation followed, creating anger again, and sometimes between different ethnic groups in the same country, who follow different religions, and/or different sects […]

(3) Win-win politics is charity, understanding, tolerance, and non-punishment

I can say that the win-win politics is based on the Buddhist/religious teaching. The implementation of the win-win politics is in fact the practice of charity, understanding, tolerance, and non-punishment – all of which are based on the Buddhist teaching […] which has created trust that assures no revenge. I told HE the President of ICAPP and his deputy that “the key is trust. The three policies (set out by the government) are on paper. Without trust and practical implementation, those policies cannot be (implemented)” […] in some places, I told them, people discovered pits with hundreds of thousands of bullets and rifles buried in the forest. They could be for nothing else but a retaliatory action if their returns in 1998 to the nation was not what they were promised […] (those concerns, however, did not arise because we have shown them the national) truth and understanding […]

(4) DIFID aims to separate Khmer Rouge political leaders from lower-level leaders

Samdech Techo has said (this morning) that before (the extraordinary chambers in the court of Cambodia or) the Khmer Rouge Tribunal took shape, there had been some tough debates, until which Samdech Techo took a clear position that he said “I am willing for this court to fail but not for the country to fall into war again” […] Samdech Techo’s DIFID strategy initially was to separate the (Khmer Rouge) political leaders from their lower-level leaders because when the lower-level came in to the government, the war was over. If the soldiers came in and stopped fighting, no matter how the political leaders shouted, they would not fight. However, if the soldiers’ leaders still fought, even if the political leaders did not order (to fight), they would still do it […] that is why we determined that only political leaders should be tried. We consider those at the lower level to be victims as well because they were carrying out orders […]

(5) Understanding is the dharma that comes from the cultivation of Buddhism

The war (in Cambodia) started because of the military coup in 1970 and ended because the Khmer Rouge (army) joined the Royal Cambodian Armed Force. Why is this? It is because of trust and the implementation of the policy of tolerance under this win-win politics. Favoring, not retaliating, not arresting their ranks and files, the commanders of the army, giving and maintaining their positions, losing no benefits, and even initiating development projects, including demining, into the reintegrated areas for them. What should we call this? If we talk about sins, about understanding each other, this is the dharma (that comes from) our cultivation (of Buddhism) […] giving dharma, saving, and not taking punishment for the past […] is important. Samdech Techo favored many people, including those who wanted his life […]

(6) As countries become more advanced, religion plays more important role

You may ask if having a religious belief would not make you a scientist. No, that is not true. The same is true for Buddhism […] take for instance soft skill theory (instructed by some) […] is consistent with the Buddhist teachings about mutual respect, hard work, not being arrogant, and competing with integrity […] which means that the success in this modern era is based on dharma, on religion that has been compiled for thousands of years. Human society has not changed much from the beginning to the present, but of course the materials and means have. The foundations of human society, like religion, remain the same […]

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(7) Tradition, culture, Buddhism and other religions can make a country modern and maintain its identity

Is there a contradiction between religion that has been compiled for thousands of years and science that is newly emerging and future-oriented? No, there is not. The important factor is knowing how to use it as a guide, a map to illuminate the path and define the boundaries of our journey. Would tradition, culture, Buddhism and other religions that have been compiled for thousands of years not bring us to become a modern country? It would. (Tradition, culture, Buddhism and other religions that have been compiled for thousands of years) can make us a modern country and maintain our identity. We are advancing and, in the globalization and modernization of society, making each generation more developed […]

(8) Without a restraining and guiding force, globalization can lead to the loss of national identity

Globalization can make the identity of each nation more and more blurred. Without a restraining and guiding force, from one generation to the next, it will become more and more exhausted. The question is, do people’s values ​​and mindsets change? […] there are two different cultures. In one culture, people think that in order to be successful, one must have a house, a family, a salary, and so on. It focuses on the individual and the material things for life. In another culture, they don’t value those things alone. They value that you have all these things, but you must have a family that lives together well, happy, and doesn’t fight […] the country must progress and develop, but it must also preserve its national identity as Khmer […]

(9) The decline in social values ​​and the drift away from culture and virtue is a danger that occurs in line with development

There are many influencers who do not need to do anything that goes against tradition and culture, and still maintain values [​​…] they can still be influential and can still observe boundaries. This is cultural, moral and religious education that plays a role in helping (preserve national identity) […] the other day, there was a shocking story on Facebook about a beer promotion in which some young women were wearing shorts […] the company’s boss said he contracted a company of young people in their 20s or so to do advertisements. Those young people researched concepts from other countries, and forgot that bringing such content to Cambodia would infringe upon the local cultural boundaries […] this is a danger that occurs in line with development: the decline in social values ​​and the drift away from culture and virtue from one generation to the next, if we do not (take action) […]

(10) Learning to gain knowledge but also to promote virtue and morality

(Social values) must be strengthened and promoted not only for the religious sector, but also for the national society to maintain identity. Development must be upheld, but it cannot be extending to the point where we lose all that identify us Khmer, while resorting to copying everything from others. In this regard, learning, constant care, is the determining factor for positive development […] learning knowledge is good, but we must also promote virtue and morality […] therefore, development and conservation go hand in hand. Conservation and education to introduce values ​​(of culture) are important tasks that I think Buddhism, as well as other religions (can participate in). In all religions, none teaches people to kill each other, not to help each other. They all teach people to have respect, love, and help each other […]

(11) No matter how advanced we are, people are still human beings

Religion is like a theory of living in society, to have harmony, to help each other, to respect each other. Religious education is a theory of philosophy, linked to faith, to history, so that we can continue to live in society. Even though buildings are modernized, cars are no longer driven by people, we are still human beings, we still need to live and depend on each other. We still need to do good deeds and need others to do good in return, to help us and we help them. when we encounter difficulties […] we must adhere to the Dharma. This is the basis of unity. Without this (Dhamma that leads to unity), the culture of maintaining peace and stability will be broken and will be destroyed again […] (the National Convention of the Buddhist Monks in 2024) today, even though it is in the Buddhist sphere, it has made a significant contribution to strengthening the secular world, especially in maintaining our identity as Khmer […]

(12) Politics must be based on truth according to the path of Dharma

For more than a year and a half, the new Royal Government has been determined to continue to maintain peace, national sovereignty, and territorial integrity, with major national achievements and maintaining economic stability, as well as preventing and defeating a series of evil schemes, especially in the area of ​​public security. Regarding integrity, those who know and still lie, is it a sin? […] some politicians lie to scare the people, even though they know about the CLV-DTA, still. Last night, there was this Funan Techo canal thing, where they lie to the people that the state has not got money to build it […] we broke ground on August 5 […] and some people cried out loud that their houses were demolished […] that we haven’t dug a spade yet, they said we ran out of money […] that people, who lack information, are worried, I could understand it […] whereas some politicians, who know clearly the issue, still scare the people. Don’t you know that intentionally lying to make people worry and break solidarity is a sin? […] Politics must be based on truth according to the path of Dharma […] politics must be done with integrity […]

(13) Practice religion with integrity, maintain security and order, and the feelings of the people and society

His Excellency the Chinese Ambassador here. They say that China does not give financial support to (the Funan Techo canal) […] I will help explain this matter so that the people can calm down a bit, and so that those liars are reprieved to a certain extent from their serious sins. I have been in a monkhood for 7 days […] I have learnt that there is no dharma that talks about cursing. However, some monks abroad, I have seen, who, wear the Buddhist robes, are cursing more severely than the common people. They curse […] it is my understanding that creating stories to bring false information to the common people, the Buddhist followers, intentionally causing them to have doubts and misunderstandings is inappropriate. The practice of religion includes speaking with integrity, helping to maintain security, order, and the feelings in the hearts of the people and society […]

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(14) Expanding new things, protecting what is there, protecting values, and protecting religious beliefs

I have linked the important role of Buddhist monks to educating society and educating youth. Monks play the role of teachers and role models in this technological age. Every activity is easy to share and to see. Seeing pictures of monks fighting each other somewhere […] actions and activities of each monk can have a huge impact on tens of thousands of monks in the country, as well as the religious sector as a whole […] we are not only expanding new things, but also protecting what we already have, protecting values, and protecting religious beliefs. Expansion is good, but the bigger it grows, the more difficult it is to control. The more people, the more difficult it is. We must increase training, education, and internal discipline management to help the entire religion […]./.

CMF: 23/11/2024

• The Honorable Chung Eui-yong, Chairman of ICAPP Standing Committee
• The Honorable Mushahid Hussain Sayed, Co-Chairman of ICAPP Standing Committee and Special Rapporteur
• The Honorable Kwon Hee-seog, Secretary General of ICAPP
• Excellencies Heads of Delegations, Honourable Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen!

Let me begin by acknowledging the invaluable presence of all leaders and representatives of 64 political parties from 45 countries at this 12^th ICAPP General Assembly here in Phnom Penh.

I would like to express my appreciation for the comprehensive reports on the outcome of the Plenary Sessions, the Roundtable Discussion of Political Parties, the 3^rd Meeting of the ACC, and the 7^th Meeting of the Media Forum.

My special thanks and appreciation go to the Organizing Committee, ICAPP Secretariat and all the distinguished members of ICAPP delegations from Asia, Pacific, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, and Europe for the exceptional dedications and cooperation, making our gatherings in Phnom Penh a success and a new historical milestone for ICAPP and its members.

The Cambodian People’s Party is deeply honored and proud to have hosted the General Assembly of ICAPP twice, the first of which was held in 2010 with tremendous success and fruitful outcome. For this second time, I note with great satisfaction the adoption of the Phnom Penh Peace Declaration and the ACC Statement which demonstrate our common aspiration, commitment and collaboration among ICAPP members toward our quest for peace and reconciliation.

Let me reiterate that peace remains and should remain the prevailing factor in every society. ICAPP has done a wonderful job, as the leading and largest organization of Asian political parties, in driving peace and promoting reconciliation, co-existence, inter-faith and social harmony, and shared prosperity for mankind.

Excellencies, Honorable Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen,

For Cambodia’s peace journey, we can never stress enough the transformative power of reconciliation and the visionary leadership behind the win-win policy spearheaded by Samdech Techo Hun Sen. Our national reconciliation, integration and total peace in late 1998 have paved the way for effective post-conflict reconstruction, deep and comprehensive reforms, and reintegration into regional and global communities. It allows Cambodia to become an active player in advancing multilateralism and the rules-based international order.

Among others, the success of the c (ECCC), known as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, which has delivered justice for the dead and peace for the survivors, and our role in global peacekeeping and demining operations under the umbrella of the United Nations tell the stories of Cambodia’s resilience in facing difficult past, setting global norms against future atrocities and crimes against humanity, and transforming Cambodia from being a victim into an active guardian of peace and world-recognized deminer.

Cambodia’s experiences demonstrate that conflicts can be ended, transitional justice can be delivered, and war zones can be turned into zones of peace, cooperation and development, only attainable by dedications and devotions to win-win reconciliation and peaceful solutions. As we reflect on Cambodia’s history, we are reminded that peace is not one nation’s responsibility alone—it is a collective effort. We call upon all nations, institutions, and individuals to come together in the pursuit of lasting peace.

Early this week, the Cambodian People’s Party as the Vice-President of the Centrist Democrat International (CDI), hosted the CDI Executive Committee Meeting, during which a Special Forum on Peace for People and the Planet was held to discuss about the role of youth and the proposed establishment of the Universal Peace Charter (UPC), a global architecture for peacebuilding, under the auspices of the International Parliament for Tolerance and Peace (IPTP) that seeks synergy and collaboration from states and non-state entities, including political parties, think tanks, private sector and other civil society organizations.

The UPC covers five core pillars, namely (1) Conflict Prevention, (2) Peace Building Process and Good Offices, (3) Transitional Justice, (4) Post-conflict Reconstruction and Humanitarian and Disaster Response, and (5) Food Security and Sustainable Development in Response to Climate Change. May I take the liberty to encourage ICAPP to support this endeavor and to table our statement of support to the 11^th Plenary Session of IPTP tomorrow, which will be hosted by the National Assembly of the Kingdom of Cambodia.

The CDI adopted the Siem Reap Declaration on endorsing the UPC. I see the relevancy for ICAPP to support and seek collaboration in enhancing our international roles in peacebuilding and international development, capitalizing on our deep and profound experience, strengths, and a growing network with other peacebuilding platforms. I truly believe that ICAPP holds the hope for future peace. Together we win, together we grow endlessly and profoundly.

On this note, I extend sincere appreciation to the Founding Chairman of ICAPP, the Honorable Jose de Venecia, the Honorable Chung Eui-yong, Chairman of ICAPP Standing Committee, and all ICAPP global family for the exceptional dedication, efforts, and collaboration in ensuring the sustainability, growth and vibrancy of ICAPP. For these, I salute and thank you.

Last but not least, allow me to wish you all a pleasant stay for those who plan to visit Siem Reap, our World Heritage Sites, and other parts of Cambodia. For those who will return to their home countries, please have a safe trip. I wish you all greater success and prosperity in all personal and professional undertakings.

I now declare the conclusion of the 12^th ICAPP General Assembly.

Thank you!

CMF: 22/11/2024

• Samdech Techo HUN Sen, President of the CPP, and President of the Senate of the Kingdom of Cambodia;
• Honorable Chung Eui-yong, Chairman of ICAPP Standing Committee
• Honorable Heads of Political Parties;
• Honorable delegates, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen!

I stand here today with a deep sense of humility in front of this august body of political leaders representing many political parties in the Asia Pacific, Africa, Latin America and Europe. It is indeed an honor for me to have this opportunity to raise a very important topic of the moment in world affairs for your reflections and actions. Here, I refer to the pressing need to seek peace and reconciliation.

Our global community finds itself at an inflection point. The foundations of peace, built upon the principles enshrined in the UN Charter since the end of the Second World War, are being tested to the limits by intense rivalries.

Today, we are living in an atmosphere of great uncertainty, with great powers challenging the rules-based international order. But world affairs and global governance should not be all about great powers. It is important to recognize that middle powers and small states also possess both the agency and ambition to play meaningful roles in geopolitical and geoeconomics diplomacy to foster peace around the world. My country, Cambodia, is certainly one of them. We are keen to contribute to the building of a global community bound together by peace, prosperity, and inclusive multilateralism.

In this regard, I am pleased that this year, Cambodia has the honor to host the 12^th General Assembly of the International Conference of Asian Political Parties (ICAPP) to energize our dialogue on this important topic of peace and reconciliation. ICAPP is well respected for its role as a bridge of political and ideological divides.

In a context of a growingly divisive global politics, I believe that ICAPP will continue to serve as an important channel for political parties to come together under one roof for dialogues and cooperation across our diverse regions.

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

Cambodia’s journey is a powerful testament to the transformative impact of national reconciliation following decades of conflicts. Our story of achieving total peace in 1998 and uniting the entire country for the first time in the past 500 years is deeply embedded in our nation and, of course, in the hearts of our people. Strolling down our memory lane, in the midst of the guerilla warfare with the Khmer Rouge forces, it was Samdech Techo Hun Sen who charted a new course for Cambodia by advocating for dialogue and political solutions. Given the level of animosity between the conflicting parties, particularly with the Khmer Rouge, whose regime oversaw millions of Cambodian people killed, the idea of ​​negotiation was purely inconceivable, and yet he had the courage, even if it meant putting his life on the line, to choose the path less traveled in the name of peace and national unity.

The peace dividend that Cambodia has enjoyed over the past 26 years reminds us of how much we have gained through the Win-Win Policy of Samdech Techo HUN Sen. This motivating factor certainly drives our peace activism and our efforts to contribute to the resolution of ongoing conflicts around the world.

Every politician should bear utmost responsibility to peace, and peace should not be secondary to electoral victory or certain ideological goals. Extremism and radicalism should be condemned and not become a ticket to political office. Countries should follow the rule-based international order that promotes peace and refrain from meddling in internal affairs of others, causing unrest, or ultimately bringing about regime change by undemocratic means. It should not be an accepted practice for nations to exploit the vulnerabilities of developing countries by launching smear campaigns, spreading false information, and imposing unilateral sanctions on anyone or any country who does not adhere to a particular geopolitical agenda. Being the past victim of such intoxicated political behavior and international relations, I wish to underline that the CPP stands resolute in defending peace, sovereignty, territorial integrity, and development.

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen!

To sustain peace and nurture an environment of reconciliation, building unity through fostering common understanding is more crucial than ever on key issues underpinning peace and reconciliation, namely:  first and foremost, our commitment to the principles and purposes of the UN Charter, with strong emphasis on non-interference, sovereignty, equality, and mutual respect; secondly, deepening inter-faith dialogues to uplift mutual understanding and trust, bearing in mind that political trust is the foundation for peace, reconciliation, and cooperation; and lastly, bridging inter-generational and ideological divides through emphatic dialogue and respect.

I cannot emphasize enough that winning peace requires reconciliation of differences. Peace can only be achieved through peaceful settlement of conflicts, based on dialogue, consultation, and a win-win approach. While strengthening our national defense is our sovereign right, it should not overshadow our commitment to dialogue and peaceful resolution. The peace we cherish must be nurtured every day to sustain it.

I would like to conclude my remarks by stressing that reconciliation with our adversary, as Samdech Techo has proven to us, is a strength, not a weakness. Reconciliation is for those with the wisdom to see a win-win solution to a war, not a surrender.

On that positive and hopeful note, I would like to declare the official opening of the 12^th ICAPP General Assembly under the theme “A Quest for Peace and Reconciliation.”

Thank You!

CNV: 22/11/2024

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(1) The second host of the 12th ICAPP General Assembly

When ICAPP was established, I was like the sun that had not yet above the head. But now, after 24 years its birth, I am like the afternoon but not yet set. Hopefully, there will be at least three more 10 years so that we can see the wider world. Some 14 years ago, we already held a General Assembly. At that time, we used the government building to host it. This year, Cambodia has the opportunity to host it again at the headquarters of the Cambodian People’s Party. I thank the leaders of the political parties who are the ICAPP (International Conference of Asian Political Parties) family, as well as ICAPP partners, who support the Cambodian People’s Party to host the 12th General Assembly. I am proud of hosting the General Assembly, which Cambodia has had the opportunity to host twice out of the 12 Geneal Assemblies. In particular, for ASEAN, I myself had chaired the ASEAN Summits three times. So, it is not strange to participate in the ICAPP framework for two times. Hopefully, there will be a third and fourth.

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(2) “I am willing to let the court fail but not let the country go back to war”

Let me say a little bit on this point. If Cambodia failed to control its sovereignty and internal affairs, we could have been doomed under the political agenda of the Khmer Rouge trial that did not take national reconciliation into consideration. They are biased towards the Khmer Rouge trial but not to peace. The sad point is that they created war in our country, they supported the Khmer Rouge at the United Nations, but when it came to the time for prosecution, they hastened us to prosecute (the Khmer Rouge), regardless of the consequences that could arise.

I told the former Secretary-General of the United Nations very clearly – “I am willing to let the court fail but I will not let my country go back to war.” We all may remember that for any foreign contribution, whether in the framework of a regional organization or even the United Nations, one must not forgo the ownership of one’s own country. Of course, we must meet the standards. But what are the standards? In this world, standards exist only in sports. There are no standards in politics, and there are none in other aspects. Only sports have real standards. Politics have no standards. From country to country, there are different ways of governing. This is a point I should emphasize.

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(3) Guaranteeing life, career, occupation, and ownership of property – core of win-win politics

Let me emphasize the core elements of the win-win politics that enabled the (rank and file of) the Khmer Rouge to trust and come together with the Royal Government. Firstly, we must guarantee their life. This means that they would surrender, only when they would not be killed, and would not be imprisoned. If we did not guarantee this, who would be willing to come and join us […] the second point is to guarantee their career and occupation. We had no fear to have done so. Those who were in the army would continue to do so. They just took off their Khmer Rouge uniform, put on the ones of the Royal Government, and apply the laws of the Royal Government.

Those forces become the forces of the Royal Government. Doctors would continue to be doctors. We dare to let the Khmer Rouge division-level units, both ranks and files, to take the responsibility to continue leading their forces. However, they must not implement the Khmer Rouge policies. They implement the policies of the Royal Government. This guarantees clearly that they would be able to come together with us. And thereafter, (3) guaranteeing ownership of their property, both real estate and movable property. These three guarantees were important components that drew all brothers and sisters to separate themselves from the Khmer Rouge and come back to live in national society […]

(4) Implement the DIFID strategy for the goal of peace and national unification

It is not an exaggeration that we used the 5-letter strategy – DIFID […] meaning – divide, isolate, finish, integrate, and develop (in the course of rooting out the Khmer Rouge). If we did not divide, would the Khmer Rouge be willing to be isolated? If the Khmer Rouge leaders were not isolated, they would still use their soldiers to fight us. I think it is not an exaggeration that we should do this for the goal of peace and national unification. In the world, no country has yet ended a war the way Cambodia did. After we completed the unification with the lower level, the upper-level leadership came to the Prime Minister’s house (to surrender) […]

These five letters laid the strategy that we implemented. To achieve the goal, we must have a method for solving problems. However, Cambodia’s experience is not enough to respond to the experience of other countries. It can be combined according to the actual situation. We do not have a theory that comes from anyone, but is a theory that was created by Cambodia itself and sincerely participated in by the Cambodian people themselves, all of whom we call operators. It’s not just Hun Sen. There’s Tea Banh, there’s Sar Kheng, there is everyone else, including the brothers and sisters – former Khmer Rouge rank and file, and supporters of the win-win policy – all of whom are operators of win-win politics.

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(5) Use every measure to prevent color revolutions from breaking up the country

Last night, in the Standing Committee meeting, I mentioned the experience of color revolutions, which can be carried out. Recently, they did it in Bangladesh, and they wanted to destroy Cambodia. However, it must be recognized that here we have been aware of the methods of color revolution groups. They do not carry out coups to overthrow the state anymore – but instead use color revolutions through the masses to overthrow (the state). Initially, they neutralize the armed forces and the civil administration. For us here, in order to prevent color revolutions, neutrality is allowed only between political parties, but not between the armed forces and the civil administration. They are instruments of the state. It cannot be neutral. That they cannot do anything. We must be wise in managing the situation, because it is the most critical point. Otherwise, blood would be shed and the country would be divided again. Therefore, we will not hesitate to use every measure to prevent color revolutions.

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(6) “Don’t make the third mistake in Cambodia, let us enjoy peace and build our country.”

This is regrettable. The democrats claim to respect human rights and democracy but instead support the coup of March 18, 1970. What does this mean? Countries that claim to respect human rights but instead support the Khmer Rouge’s to occupy the Cambodian seat at the United Nations. That is the reason why we always remind them – “Don’t make the third mistake in Cambodia, let us enjoy peace and build our country.” Whether they respect it or not, we must take responsibility for managing the situation to ensure our country’s further development./.